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Linglib.Studies.Rett2015

Rett (2015): evaluativity as implicature #

[Ret15] derives the distribution of evaluativity across degree constructions (the book's Table 3.1) from two Neo-Gricean implicatures: a Quantity implicature strengthens the otherwise tautological positive construction (Chapter 3), and the Marked Meaning Principle (Chapter 5, after [Hor84]'s division of pragmatic labor) makes the marked, negative antonym evaluative in exactly the polar-invariant constructions — equatives and degree questions — where its unmarked antonym has the same truth conditions. Antonym polarity is the adjective's Adjective.polarity, the ScalePolarity that Degree.equativeSem and Degree.comparativeSem already take as their direction; negative antonyms are the marked members of their pairs ([Bie89], [Ken07]).

Main definitions #

Main results #

Polar (in)variance and markedness #

Rett's polar (in)variance: in a polar-invariant construction the two antonyms yield the same truth conditions, so the marked antonym has an unmarked competitor. Equatives and degree questions are polar-invariant; positives, comparatives, and measure phrases are not.

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    Negative antonyms are the marked members of their pairs.

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      The implicature derivation #

      The implicature route deriving evaluativity: Quantity (Chapter 3's degree tautology) or Manner (Chapter 5's Marked Meaning Principle).

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          The implicature deriving evaluativity for a construction and antonym polarity, if any: positives are strengthened by Quantity for both antonyms, and polar-invariant constructions get Manner-derived evaluativity for the marked antonym only.

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            A construction–polarity pair is evaluative iff some implicature derives it.

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              The Marked Meaning Principle: Manner-derived evaluativity exactly for the marked antonym in a polar-invariant construction.

              Quantity-derived evaluativity is the positive construction's alone.

              Evaluativity is the positive construction or the Marked Meaning Principle.

              The book's contrasts #

              Chapter 1's How short is Adam? and Adam is as short as Doug are evaluative; their positive-antonym counterparts are not.

              The implicature deriving evaluativity for a fragment adjective in a construction, read off its lexicalized polarity.

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                Polar variance grounded in the comparison semantics #

                [Ret15] reduces polar (in)variance to mutual entailment of the antonyms' non-evaluative readings: the strengthened ("exactly") equatives of the two antonyms share truth conditions, so a truth-conditionally equivalent unmarked alternative exists and the Marked Meaning Principle can fire; the antonym comparatives exclude each other, so no such alternative exists. Degree questions pattern with the equative — both antonyms' true answers are the subject's actual measure.

                "A is exactly as tall as B" and "A is exactly as short as B" are mutually entailing: each strengthened equative reduces to μ a = μ b.

                theorem Rett2015.exact_equative_eq_strengthened {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

                Both strengthened antonym equatives are the "exactly" reading Degree.equativeStrengthened.

                theorem Rett2015.comparative_antonyms_exclusive {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

                The antonym comparatives exclude each other: "A is taller than B" and "A is shorter than B" cannot both hold.

                theorem Rett2015.comparative_antonym_variant {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) (h : μ a μ b) :

                Whenever the antonyms could differ (μ a ≠ μ b), they do: the antonym comparatives have complementary truth conditions, so no truth-conditionally equivalent unmarked alternative exists.

                Table 3.1 #

                A Table 3.1 judgment: construction, antonym polarity, and whether the sentence is evaluative. The ungrammatical negative-antonym measure phrase carries no judgment.

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                  The Table 3.1 judgments.

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                    theorem Rett2015.evaluative_iff_observed (d : Degree.Construction × Core.Order.ScalePolarity × Bool) :
                    d data(Evaluative d.1 d.2.1 d.2.2 = true)

                    The predictions match every Table 3.1 judgment.