Major 2024: Re-analyzing 'say' complementation

[Maj24]

Uyghur dep clauses look like complementizer-headed CP complements but are converbial adjunct clauses headed by the verb de 'say' plus the converb -(I)p, merging at VP or TP (his 4, 9). Because the linker contains the verb 'say', main-verb properties of de- persist inside dep clauses (his 39–41), and because the linker is a converb, dep clauses are banned from argument positions: they cannot be grammatical subjects (his 49b) and "are never internal arguments" (§3.2). The paper's methodological point — "taking the morphology at face value (i.e. dep is 'say' + CNV)" (§1) — is rendered literally here: mergeMode reads a morpheme's merge behavior off its recorded morphology (verbForm, noonanType), and the ban is derived, not stipulated per position. The Washo parallel is [BH21]'s modifier analysis of non-factive embedding, which Major extends with the verb 'say' inside the linker.

The case-theoretic payoff (his §§4–6) is out of scope here: the same decomposition holds of Sakha dien = die 'say' + converb -(E)n, so [BV10]'s accusative subjects under dien reduce to ECM by the v of 'say', resurrecting Case-by-Agree where B&V argued for Dependent Case Theory.

Main declarations

• ClausePosition, MergeMode, mergeMode, licensedIn — merge behavior read off the fragment entries' morphology
• SayConverbAnalysis — witness record for the re-analysis (cf. Bondarenko2022.ContAnalysis for the rival carving); depAnalysis is the Uyghur witness, and SayConverbAnalysis.argument_ban derives the ban for any witness
• dep_never_argument, participial_licensed_iff_argument — the argument-position asymmetry (his 49, 59, 61)
• coerced_speech_reading — unergative 'scream' + dep (his 38–41)
• dep_nci_diagnoses_height — the VP/TP height contrast (his 54)
• dep_never_feeds_factivity — the factivity alternation as a corollary of the ban (his 61–65)

The rival carving (docstring-only, per the chronology rule)

[Bon22] assigns the structurally parallel Buryat say-complex gɘ-žɘ to functional heads: the say-root expones Cont and the converb is a Comp allomorph (Bondarenko2022.buryatAnalysis), so the complex heads a selected complement. Major's carving keeps both pieces lexical — verb plus adjunct-forming converb — and denies complement status altogether. Major does not engage that analysis (he cites only [Bon20] among factivity-alternation accounts, §3.2), so no divergence theorem is stated here; the two witnesses coexist as rival records over their respective fragment inventories.

Typed paradigm sentences (his 2, 38–41, 49) live in Major2024.Examples, generated from Data/Examples/Major2024.json.

Merge modes read off the morphology (§2)

Converbial -(I)p clauses adjoin at two heights (his 4): VP-level -(I)p is a manner modifier interpreted under matrix aspect (his 10–13), answers qandaq 'how' (his 15–16), and sits below the matrix accusative position (his 19); TP-level -(I)p precedes the whole matrix clause (his 29), tolerates aspect and voice mismatches (his 12, 30), and merges at (at least) TP (his 31). Dep clauses replicate both profiles (his 37–38, 52–56).

inductive Major2024.ClausePosition : Type

Structural positions at issue for an embedded clause: the two converb adjunction heights (his 4) and the two argument positions the paper tests — complement of V (his 59a, 61a, 73) and grammatical subject (his 49).

• complementOfV : ClausePosition
• subject : ClausePosition
• vpAdjunct : ClausePosition
• tpAdjunct : ClausePosition

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidableEqClausePosition : DecidableEq ClausePosition

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidableEqClausePosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instFintypeClausePosition : Fintype ClausePosition

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Major2024.instReprClausePosition.repr : ClausePosition → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instReprClausePosition : Repr ClausePosition

Equations

• Major2024.instReprClausePosition = { reprPrec := Major2024.instReprClausePosition.repr }

def Major2024.ClausePosition.isArgument : ClausePosition → Prop

Argument positions: those saturating a θ-position of the matrix predicate.

Equations

• Major2024.ClausePosition.complementOfV.isArgument = True
• Major2024.ClausePosition.subject.isArgument = True
• Major2024.ClausePosition.vpAdjunct.isArgument = False
• Major2024.ClausePosition.tpAdjunct.isArgument = False

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument : DecidablePred ClausePosition.isArgument

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument Major2024.ClausePosition.complementOfV = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument Major2024.ClausePosition.subject = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument Major2024.ClausePosition.vpAdjunct = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument._proof_1
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument Major2024.ClausePosition.tpAdjunct = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionIsArgument._proof_2

inductive Major2024.MergeMode : Type

How a clause-forming morpheme merges the clause it heads: a converb builds an adjunct to a verbal projection (his 4); a nominalizer builds a case-bearing nominal that saturates an argument position (his 49a, 59a).

• converbAdjunction : MergeMode
• nominalArgument : MergeMode

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidableEqMergeMode : DecidableEq MergeMode

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidableEqMergeMode x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instReprMergeMode : Repr MergeMode

Equations

• Major2024.instReprMergeMode = { reprPrec := Major2024.instReprMergeMode.repr }

def Major2024.instReprMergeMode.repr : MergeMode → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Major2024.MergeMode.admits : MergeMode → ClausePosition → Prop

Converbial adjuncts modify, never saturate ("dep clauses are never internal arguments", §3.2; subject ban his 49b); nominalized clauses saturate. Oblique case-marked participial adjuncts (his 50b) go through case morphology, outside this position set.

Equations

• Major2024.MergeMode.converbAdjunction.admits x✝ = ¬x✝.isArgument
• Major2024.MergeMode.nominalArgument.admits x✝ = x✝.isArgument

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidableAdmits (m : MergeMode) (pos : ClausePosition) : Decidable (m.admits pos)

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidableAdmits Major2024.MergeMode.converbAdjunction pos = Major2024.instDecidableAdmits._aux_1 pos
• Major2024.instDecidableAdmits Major2024.MergeMode.nominalArgument pos = Major2024.instDecidableAdmits._aux_3 pos

def Major2024.mergeMode (c : Complementizer) : Option MergeMode

The merge mode of a clause-forming morpheme, read off its recorded morphology — the paper's "morphology at face value" (§1): a converbial suffix (verbForm = .Conv) builds adjuncts; a nominalizing clause-typer (noonanType = .nominalized) builds arguments. none for morphemes heading no clause of their own.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

def Major2024.licensedIn (c : Complementizer) (pos : ClausePosition) : Prop

A clause headed by c is licensed in pos iff c's merge mode admits it. No matrix-verb parameter: dep clauses appear regardless of matrix transitivity (his 44a söz qil- vs. unaccusative 44b söz bol-) and with unaccusative 'be surprised' (his 50c).

Equations

• Major2024.licensedIn c pos = match Major2024.mergeMode c with | some m => m.admits pos | none => False

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidableLicensedIn (c : Complementizer) (pos : ClausePosition) : Decidable (licensedIn c pos)

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidableLicensedIn c pos = match hm : Major2024.mergeMode c with | some m => decidable_of_iff (m.admits pos) ⋯ | none => decidable_of_iff False ⋯

theorem Major2024.de_no_mergeMode : mergeMode Uyghur.de = none

The say-root heads no clause of its own — the linker is the converb, not 'say' (his 2–3).

The say-converb witness (his 2–3, 9)

structure Major2024.SayConverbAnalysis : Type

A say-converb re-analysis of an apparent complementizer ([Maj24]; cf. Bondarenko2022.ContAnalysis for the rival Cont-exponence carving): the linker decomposes into a say-root and a converbial suffix drawn from the language's inventory, and the say-root is the independently attested main verb 'say' — one lexical item, so main-verb properties persist inside the adjunct by construction (his 39–41). A structure, not a class: rival frameworks construct rival witnesses.

• inventory : List Complementizer

  The fragment inventory analyzed.

• surface : String

  The apparent complementizer being decomposed (dep; Sakha dien).

• sayRoot : Complementizer

  The say-root inside the complex linker.

• converb : Complementizer

  The converbial suffix heading the adjunct clause.

• say : Verb

  The main verb 'say' — the same lexical item as sayRoot.

• sayRoot_mem : self.sayRoot ∈ self.inventory
• converb_mem : self.converb ∈ self.inventory
• converb_conv : self.converb.verbForm = some UD.VerbForm.Conv

  Morphology at face value: the linker is a converb.

• say_transitive : self.say.complementType ≠ ComplementType.none ∧ self.say.implicitObj = none

  'say' is transitive with an obligatory internal argument (his 39a, 40a), a requirement that persists inside the adjunct (his 41: *(birnémi-ler-ni) de-p warqiri-di).

theorem Major2024.SayConverbAnalysis.mergeMode_converb (a : SayConverbAnalysis) : mergeMode a.converb = some MergeMode.converbAdjunction

Any say-converb analysis fixes adjunction as the linker's merge mode.

theorem Major2024.SayConverbAnalysis.adjoins (a : SayConverbAnalysis) : licensedIn a.converb ClausePosition.vpAdjunct ∧ licensedIn a.converb ClausePosition.tpAdjunct

Any say-converb analysis licenses the say-clause at both adjunction heights (his 4, 51, 56).

theorem Major2024.SayConverbAnalysis.argument_ban (a : SayConverbAnalysis) (pos : ClausePosition) (h : pos.isArgument) : ¬licensedIn a.converb pos

The argument-position ban, derived for any witness: the converb morphology fixes adjunction, and adjuncts never saturate.

def Major2024.depAnalysis : SayConverbAnalysis

The Uyghur witness: dep = de 'say' + -(I)p (his 2–3), over the fragment inventory.

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

theorem Major2024.dep_adjoins_vp_and_tp : licensedIn Uyghur.ip ClausePosition.vpAdjunct ∧ licensedIn Uyghur.ip ClausePosition.tpAdjunct

Dep clauses adjoin at VP and TP (his 4, 37, 51, 56).

theorem Major2024.dep_never_argument (pos : ClausePosition) (h : pos.isArgument) : ¬licensedIn Uyghur.ip pos

The argument ban (subject: his 49b; internal argument: §3.2): derived from -(I)p's converb morphology, and independent of the matrix verb — dep clauses occur in clearly unselected environments, as reasons or excuses (his 5, 53).

theorem Major2024.dep_not_subject : ¬licensedIn Uyghur.ip ClausePosition.subject

His (49b): a dep clause cannot be the grammatical subject of 'make surprised' — unlike the participial clause (his 49a).

theorem Major2024.participial_licensed_iff_argument (pos : ClausePosition) : licensedIn Uyghur.lik pos ↔ pos.isArgument

The participial strategy is the mirror image: nominalized clauses are licensed exactly in argument positions — subject (his 49a) and complement of V (his 59a, 61a) — never at the converb adjunction sites. Dep clauses also fail N-complement constituency: the head noun scrambles away from a dep clause (his 45–46) but never from a genuine N-complement (his 47–48).

Say-properties persist: coerced speech readings (§3.1)

The persistence claim is carried by depAnalysis housing the single lexical entry Uyghur.deVerb: whatever the fragment records of main-verb 'say' holds of 'say' inside dep clauses. The same holds of any converb-suffixed verb — 'think' imposes its own frame inside an adjunct (his 42) — so the persistence is converbial, not dep-magic.

theorem Major2024.coerced_speech_reading : Uyghur.warqira.complementType = ComplementType.none ∧ Uyghur.deVerb.complementType ≠ ComplementType.none ∧ licensedIn Uyghur.ip ClausePosition.vpAdjunct

His (38)–(41): warqira- 'scream' has no complement frame (his 39b, 40b), yet 'scream' + dep reports propositional content — the content sits in the obligatory complement of de- inside the VP-adjoined say-clause, which "coerces it into a verb of speech" (§3.1). No hidden frame of 'scream' is needed.

The two heights diagnosed (his 54–55)

def Major2024.ClausePosition.clausemateWithMatrixNeg : ClausePosition → Prop

Positions inside the matrix clausemate domain for NCI licensing: Uyghur héch- items need clausemate negation (his 20). Everything merged below matrix T is in the domain; the TP-adjunct, which precedes the entire matrix clause (his 29, 31), is outside.

Equations

• Major2024.ClausePosition.tpAdjunct.clausemateWithMatrixNeg = False
• x✝.clausemateWithMatrixNeg = True

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg : DecidablePred ClausePosition.clausemateWithMatrixNeg

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg Major2024.ClausePosition.complementOfV = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg Major2024.ClausePosition.subject = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg Major2024.ClausePosition.vpAdjunct = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg Major2024.ClausePosition.tpAdjunct = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionClausemateWithMatrixNeg._proof_1

theorem Major2024.dep_nci_diagnoses_height (pos : ClausePosition) : licensedIn Uyghur.ip pos → (pos.clausemateWithMatrixNeg ↔ pos = ClausePosition.vpAdjunct)

His (54): matrix negation licenses an NCI inside a dep clause exactly at the VP site — replicating the bare -(I)p contrast (his 22–26) — so NCI licensing diagnoses a dep clause's attachment height. The shundaq-anaphora contrast (his 55) draws the same line.

The factivity alternation, derived (his 61–65)

def Major2024.ClausePosition.feedsFactivity : ClausePosition → Prop

Positions feeding a factive predicate's presupposition: only its complement — "factive interpretations arise from predicates taking a nominal complement, while non-factive interpretations arise via adjunction", the adjunction site being "outside the scope of the factive predicate" (§3.2).

Equations

• Major2024.ClausePosition.complementOfV.feedsFactivity = True
• x✝.feedsFactivity = False

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity : DecidablePred ClausePosition.feedsFactivity

Equations

• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity Major2024.ClausePosition.complementOfV = isTrue trivial
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity Major2024.ClausePosition.subject = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity._proof_1
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity Major2024.ClausePosition.vpAdjunct = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity._proof_2
• Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity Major2024.ClausePosition.tpAdjunct = isFalse Major2024.instDecidablePredClausePositionFeedsFactivity._proof_3

theorem Major2024.feedsFactivity_isArgument (pos : ClausePosition) : pos.feedsFactivity → pos.isArgument

Factive scope is a subrelation of argumenthood.

theorem Major2024.dep_never_feeds_factivity (pos : ClausePosition) (h : licensedIn Uyghur.ip pos) : ¬pos.feedsFactivity

'know' + dep is non-factive (his 61b) across the whole factive class (his 63), and 'forget' + dep loses the forget-that reading (his 65): a dep clause can occupy no factivity-feeding position — a corollary of the argument ban, contra a per-verb homophony account the paper rejects (§3.2; 'know' stays presuppositional about its own object even with dep present, his 62).

theorem Major2024.participial_feeds_factivity : licensedIn Uyghur.lik ClausePosition.complementOfV ∧ ClausePosition.complementOfV.feedsFactivity

The participial contrast (his 61a, 63a–b): the nominalized clause sits in complement position, where factivity is fed.