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Linglib.Studies.Landau2024

Landau (2024): Control #

Formalizes [Lan24] (Cambridge Elements in Generative Syntax), the survey synthesizing the state of control theory: the revised Visser's generalization ((19), [vU13]), the direct-discourse correlation behind embedded-speech-act theories ((33), [Pos70]) and its Korean jussive realization ((35)), the attitude-only distribution of partial control ((36)–(37)), the OC/NOC/NC trichotomy ((41)), NOC's dual topic/logophoric licensing ((52)), and the strict-vs-alternating adjunct split with the propositional-variant criterion ((84)/(89)). The dual theory of §5 rests on the neutral substrate (Syntax/Control/Defs.lean) and the tier system of Studies/Landau2015.lean; this file holds the Element's own empirical generalizations and the complement typing ((56)/(58)/(72)). Its (95) challenges — backward control, PC's residue, agreement under property theories, the OC-NC generalization's crosslinguistic variation ([Gan19]), overt-PRO licensing, adjunct loci — are the open frontier.

References #

The OC/NOC/NC trichotomy #

NOC is the non-OC behavior of clauses that can display OC; clauses that never can (finite complements, in most languages) are no control (NC). The Spanish paradigm (41): infinitival complements are OC, infinitival subjects NOC, finite clauses NC in either position.

Control statuses: obligatory, non-obligatory, and no control.

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    def Landau2024.instReprStatus.repr :
    StatusStd.Format
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      A row of the Spanish paradigm (41): clause finiteness, whether the clause sits in complement position, and its control status.

      • finite : Bool
      • complement : Bool
      • status : Status
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        def Landau2024.instDecidableEqEx41Row.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Ex41Row) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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          def Landau2024.instReprEx41Row.repr :
          Ex41RowStd.Format
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            The four configurations of (41).

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              theorem Landau2024.noc_only_in_oc_capable (r : Ex41Row) :
              r ex41r.status = Status.nocr.finite = false

              NOC occurs only in clauses that can display OC: never in finite clauses, whose uncontrolled behavior is NC.

              theorem Landau2024.finite_is_nc (r : Ex41Row) :
              r ex41r.finite = truer.status = Status.nc

              Finite clauses are NC in every position.

              The revised Visser's generalization #

              (19), [vU13]: implicit subjects cannot control if T agrees with a referential DP. The Norwegian minimal pair (20): the personal passive (T agrees with the promisee) blocks implicit control; the impersonal passive (expletive, no referential agreement) allows it. The interrogative complements of (22) are a genuine standing exception.

              A passive control configuration: does T agree with a referential DP, and is implicit control licensed?

              • tAgreesReferential : Bool
              • implicitControlOK : Bool
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                def Landau2024.instDecidableEqPassiveConfig.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : PassiveConfig) :
                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                    The Norwegian pair (20): personal vs impersonal passive of 'promise'.

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                    • Landau2024.ex20 = [{ tAgreesReferential := true, implicitControlOK := false }, { tAgreesReferential := false, implicitControlOK := true }]
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                      The revised Visser's generalization on (20): implicit control is licensed exactly where T does not agree with a referential DP.

                      The direct-discourse correlation and Korean jussives #

                      [Pos70]'s generalization ((33)): if the direct-discourse counterpart's subject is second person, the controller is the object; if first person, the subject. The Korean jussive markers realize the correlation grammatically ((35), with mal 'say' held fixed): the volitional marker is speaker-oriented and induces subject control, the imperative addressee-oriented inducing object control, the exhortative speaker+addressee-oriented inducing split control; the indicative induces no control.

                      The subject of the direct-discourse counterpart.

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                        def Landau2024.instReprDDSubject.repr :
                        DDSubjectStd.Format
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                          Which matrix argument controls.

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                            def Landau2024.instReprChoice.repr :
                            ChoiceStd.Format
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                              [Pos70]'s correlation (33), stated over discourse roles: speaker-subject direct discourse → subject control, addressee-subject → object control, joint → split.

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                                The Korean control-inducing jussive markers ((35b–d)).

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                                  def Landau2024.instReprJussive.repr :
                                  JussiveStd.Format
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                                    The Korean jussive table realizes [Pos70]'s correlation: controller choice is the direct-discourse role of the marker's orientation — determined by the embedded mood, not the (fixed) matrix verb.

                                    Partial control is attitude-only #

                                    (36)–(37): PC is attested in attitude complements and unavailable under implicatives — *John managed to gather at 6 (37a). On the dual theory this is Control.IsSaturating.not_isPartial: implicative complements are predicative, and predication saturates, sharing the referent exhaustively. The (37a) configuration refutes saturating status for its hypothetical PC reading, never the other way around.

                                    Generalization (72): a lexical subject saturates a property, so exactly the propositional (logophoric, attitude) complements license one (the generalization originates with [Gra15]).

                                    def Landau2024.ex37Dependency :
                                    SetRel (Fin 2) (Fin 2)

                                    The (37a) configuration: matrix controller position 0, embedded subject position 1.

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                                      def Landau2024.ex37Val :
                                      Fin 2

                                      The PC reading's referent sizes: the controller (John) is properly contained in the gathering group.

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                                        A partial-control reading is incompatible with a saturating dependency: (37a)'s star, from exhaustive sharing.

                                        NOC: dual licensing by topic and logophoric center #

                                        (52): topicality and logophoricity are each sufficient for NOC antecedence and neither is necessary — (52a) is NOC by a [−top, +log] antecedent (an implicit passive agent), (52b) by [+top, −log] (an established topic with no mental perspective on the event). The [+human] character of logophoric antecedents follows from mental perspective; topical antecedents are only preferentially human — the (55b) default [+topic] → [+human], with (49) the resisting data and (50) the attested overrides.

                                        A candidate NOC antecedent's discourse status.

                                        • topic : Bool
                                        • logophoricCenter : Bool
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                                          def Landau2024.instDecidableEqAntecedent.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Antecedent) :
                                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                              (55a): a DP may serve as NOC controller iff it is a topic or a logophoric center.

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                                                theorem Landau2024.noc_by_log_alone :
                                                { topic := false, logophoricCenter := true }.MayControl

                                                (52a): the implicit passive agent — a logophoric center that is no topic — controls.

                                                theorem Landau2024.noc_by_topic_alone :
                                                { topic := true, logophoricCenter := false }.MayControl

                                                (52b): the established topic with no perspective on the event controls.

                                                theorem Landau2024.neither_licensor_necessary :
                                                (¬∀ (a : Antecedent), a.MayControla.topic = true) ¬∀ (a : Antecedent), a.MayControla.logophoricCenter = true

                                                Neither licensor is necessary — each (52) case lacks the other's.

                                                theorem Landau2024.no_status_no_control :
                                                ¬{ topic := false, logophoricCenter := false }.MayControl

                                                A DP with neither status cannot serve as NOC controller.

                                                Adjunct control: strict OC vs alternating OC/NOC #

                                                (84): English controlled adjuncts split into strict OC adjuncts and adjuncts alternating OC/NOC; strict NOC adjuncts are unattested. The propositional-variant criterion ((89)): an adjunct type alternates iff its head also builds a variant hosting a lexical subject — the P head s-selects a property only (strict) or a property/proposition ambiguously (alternating).

                                                The English controlled-adjunct types of (84).

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                                                    The propositional-variant criterion, validated on the English inventory: an adjunct type alternates into NOC exactly when its head has a propositional variant.