Hungarian preverbal/postverbal focus contrast #
Formalises [EK98]: identificational focus moves to the immediately preverbal Spec,FP and expresses exhaustive identification; information focus stays postverbal and carries no exhaustivity. Position determines focus type on licensed configurations, and the §3 distributional restrictions (universals, csak-phrases, valami/valaki) follow from class–type compatibility.
Implementation notes #
The apparatus (Position, FocusType, ConstituentClass,
FocusConfig) is Kiss's analytical classification, not consensus
typology, so it lives here rather than in a Fragment.
Kiss's exhaustivity claim has been substantially revised in later work (Onea & Beaver 2011, Horváth 2010, Wedgwood 2005); the theorems formalise the 1998 position without adjudicating.
The factor-through schema (Function.FactorsThroughOn) is instantiated
for Hausa in HartmannZimmermann2007.lean, where it is refuted.
TODO #
- §4 scope (identificational focus binds variables).
- §5.2 cleft realisation in English.
- §9 cross-linguistic feature typology for Italian, Romanian, Catalan, Greek, Arabic, Finnish.
- §7 focus iteration and projection (eq. 51-53).
Structural position and focus type (§1, §2) #
The two structural positions for focused constituents in Hungarian:
preverbal = Spec,FP (the identificational slot), postverbal =
VP-internal in situ.
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instDecidableEqPosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprPosition = { reprPrec := Kiss1998.instReprPosition.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- Kiss1998.instReprPosition.repr Kiss1998.Position.preverbal prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Kiss1998.Position.preverbal")).group prec✝
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instInhabitedPosition = { default := Kiss1998.instInhabitedPosition.default }
The two focus types: identificational carries an exhaustivity entailment, information does not.
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instDecidableEqFocusType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprFocusType = { reprPrec := Kiss1998.instReprFocusType.repr }
Equations
- Kiss1998.instInhabitedFocusType = { default := Kiss1998.instInhabitedFocusType.default }
Whether the focus type carries an exhaustivity entailment (§2, the Szabolcsi–Farkas test).
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Constituent classes and licensing (§3) #
Coarse classification of the focused constituent for the §3
distributional facts: regular DPs occur as either type; universal
covers the minden / X+is / még…is class barred from identificational
focus (17b–d); onlyPhrase is csak X, obligatorily identificational;
someIndef is valami/valaki, barred from both (17e).
- regular : ConstituentClass
- universal : ConstituentClass
- onlyPhrase : ConstituentClass
- someIndef : ConstituentClass
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instDecidableEqConstituentClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprConstituentClass = { reprPrec := Kiss1998.instReprConstituentClass.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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A Hungarian focused-clause configuration; Licensed enforces the
position–type and class–type pairings.
- position : Position
The structural position of the focused constituent.
- focusType : FocusType
The focus type (identificational vs information).
- cclass : ConstituentClass
The lexical class of the focused constituent.
Instances For
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprFocusConfig = { reprPrec := Kiss1998.instReprFocusConfig.repr }
Equations
The canonical position for a focus type (§2): identificational moves to Spec,FP, information stays postverbal.
Equations
Instances For
Class–type compatibility (§3): universal is barred from
identificational focus (17b–d); onlyPhrase is "obligatorily realized
as identificational" (§3); someIndef is barred from both — starred
identificationally (17e) and "cannot function as information foci,
either" (§3).
Equations
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.regular.compatibleWith x✝ = True
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.universal.compatibleWith Kiss1998.FocusType.identificational = False
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.universal.compatibleWith Kiss1998.FocusType.information = True
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.onlyPhrase.compatibleWith Kiss1998.FocusType.identificational = True
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.onlyPhrase.compatibleWith Kiss1998.FocusType.information = False
- Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.someIndef.compatibleWith x✝ = False
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
A configuration is licensed iff its position is canonical for its focus type (§2) and its constituent class is compatible with that type (§3).
Equations
- c.Licensed = (c.position = Kiss1998.positionFor c.focusType ∧ c.cclass.compatibleWith c.focusType)
Instances For
A preverbal identificational focus over a compatible class.
Equations
- Kiss1998.mkIdentificational cc _h = { position := Kiss1998.Position.preverbal, focusType := Kiss1998.FocusType.identificational, cclass := cc }
Instances For
A postverbal information focus over a compatible class.
Equations
- Kiss1998.mkInformation cc _h = { position := Kiss1998.Position.postverbal, focusType := Kiss1998.FocusType.information, cclass := cc }
Instances For
Position determines focus type on licensed configurations — the biconditional behind the Meaning-Structure Mapping verdict for Hungarian.
csak-phrases must be identificational foci (§3).
valami/valaki can never be focused (17e): no licensed
configuration has a someIndef constituent.
Cells (§1, eq. 5a/5b, 8a/8b, 17b, 19b) #
Eq. (5a): Tegnap este Marinak mutattam be Pétert 'It was to MARY that I introduced Peter last night.' Identificational/preverbal: of the relevant set of persons, it was Mary and no one else that I introduced Peter to.
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Eq. (5b): Tegnap este be mutattam Pétert MARINAK 'Last night I introduced Peter TO MARY.' Information/postverbal: presents Mary as nonpresupposed information, without suggesting Mary was the only one.
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Eq. (8a): Mari egy kalapot nézett ki magának 'It was a HAT that Mary picked for herself.' Identificational/preverbal of a regular DP.
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Eq. (8b): Mari ki nézett magának EGY KALAPOT 'Mary picked for herself A HAT.' Information/postverbal of a regular DP — non-exhaustive.
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Eq. (17b — starred): *Mari minden kalapot nézett ki magának 'It was every hat that Mary picked for herself.' Universal quantifier in identificational focus position is ungrammatical (paper §3). Constructed directly to demonstrate the distributional restriction has bite.
Equations
- Kiss1998.starred_universal_identificational = { position := Kiss1998.Position.preverbal, focusType := Kiss1998.FocusType.identificational, cclass := Kiss1998.ConstituentClass.universal }
Instances For
Eq. (19b): Minden kollégámat meg hívtam 'I invited EVERY COLLEAGUE OF MINE.' Universal quantifier as postverbal information focus — grammatical, demonstrating that minden is barred only from identificational position, not from focus altogether.
Equations
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Position determines focus type (paper §2) #
Among licensed configurations, focusType factors through position.
The same schema is instantiated for Hausa in
HartmannZimmermann2007.lean (with cfg.strategy and pragType) and
refuted there — a difference of verdict on one shared predicate.
The factor witnessing §2: focus type as a function of position.
Equations
Instances For
On licensed configurations the focus type is literally
typeOfPosition of the position — the §2 claim in factored form.
Position determines focus type on licensed configurations: Kiss's §2 structural claim, derived from the explicit factor.
Position equivalence with exhaustivity: composition of the position-type and type-exhaustivity equivalences. The semantic payoff of Kiss's §2 structural distinction.
Distributional restrictions (paper §3, eq. 17) #
Universal quantifiers cannot be identificational foci (17b):
starred_universal_identificational fails licensing.
Universal quantifiers can be information foci (19b): the class barred preverbally is admissible postverbally.
The csak X construction is obligatorily identificational (§3): the information-focus alternative is ill-licensed.
Indefinite valami/valaki is barred from both focus types (17e).
Cell properties #
The eq. (5a/5b) minimal pair: same constituent, different positions, different focus types — both licensed.
Exhaustive identification semantics (§2) #
The hat/coat model of the paper's own test sentences ((8), (12)–(15)).
Identificational focus is the prejacent exhaustified over the resolved
alternatives — covert obligatory Semantics.Focus.onlyVia — while
information focus is the bare prejacent. Szabolcsi's coordination test
and Farkas's dialogue test come out as theorems, and position
determines whether exhaustification applies: the like-for-like
counterpart of HartmannZimmermann2007.exhAnswer_eq, where
exhaustification is strategy-blind.
Equations
- Kiss1998.instDecidableEqHatWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld = { reprPrec := Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr }
Equations
- Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr Kiss1998.HatWorld.hatOnly prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Kiss1998.HatWorld.hatOnly")).group prec✝
- Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr Kiss1998.HatWorld.coatOnly prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Kiss1998.HatWorld.coatOnly")).group prec✝
- Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr Kiss1998.HatWorld.both prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Kiss1998.HatWorld.both")).group prec✝
- Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr Kiss1998.HatWorld.neither prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Kiss1998.HatWorld.neither")).group prec✝
Instances For
'Mary picked a hat' (at least).
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'Mary picked a coat' (at least).
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The resolved atomic alternatives for the picking scenario.
Equations
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Identificational focus: the prejacent exhaustified over the resolved alternatives (§2's "exhaustive subset of the relevant set").
Equations
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The identificational meaning of (8a)/(12b) computes to picked-exactly-a-hat.
Szabolcsi's coordination test ((12) vs (13)): the identificational a hat contradicts the hat-and-coat content, while the information-focus a hat is entailed by it.
Farkas's dialogue test ((15)): in the situation where Mary picked a coat too, the identificational claim is false (so B's "No, she picked a coat, too" is a coherent denial of exhaustivity), while the information-focus claim is true (so the denial is infelicitous).
The two focus types' denotations for the hat prejacent.
Equations
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Position determines the semantics: the preverbal slot's meaning
is exhaustified, the postverbal one's is plain — Kiss's §2 claim cashed
out through the factor typeOfPosition. The Hausa counterpart
(HartmannZimmermann2007.exhAnswer_eq) shows exhaustification
strategy-blind: the two-verdict contrast at the level of one
semantic operator.