Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Kiss1998

Hungarian preverbal/postverbal focus contrast #

Formalises [EK98]: identificational focus moves to the immediately preverbal Spec,FP and expresses exhaustive identification; information focus stays postverbal and carries no exhaustivity. Position determines focus type on licensed configurations, and the §3 distributional restrictions (universals, csak-phrases, valami/valaki) follow from class–type compatibility.

Implementation notes #

The apparatus (Position, FocusType, ConstituentClass, FocusConfig) is Kiss's analytical classification, not consensus typology, so it lives here rather than in a Fragment.

Kiss's exhaustivity claim has been substantially revised in later work (Onea & Beaver 2011, Horváth 2010, Wedgwood 2005); the theorems formalise the 1998 position without adjudicating.

The factor-through schema (Function.FactorsThroughOn) is instantiated for Hausa in HartmannZimmermann2007.lean, where it is refuted.

TODO #

Structural position and focus type (§1, §2) #

The two structural positions for focused constituents in Hungarian: preverbal = Spec,FP (the identificational slot), postverbal = VP-internal in situ.

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    def Kiss1998.instReprPosition.repr :
    PositionStd.Format
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      The two focus types: identificational carries an exhaustivity entailment, information does not.

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        def Kiss1998.instReprFocusType.repr :
        FocusTypeStd.Format
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          Whether the focus type carries an exhaustivity entailment (§2, the Szabolcsi–Farkas test).

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            Constituent classes and licensing (§3) #

            Coarse classification of the focused constituent for the §3 distributional facts: regular DPs occur as either type; universal covers the minden / X+is / még…is class barred from identificational focus (17b–d); onlyPhrase is csak X, obligatorily identificational; someIndef is valami/valaki, barred from both (17e).

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                A Hungarian focused-clause configuration; Licensed enforces the position–type and class–type pairings.

                • position : Position

                  The structural position of the focused constituent.

                • focusType : FocusType

                  The focus type (identificational vs information).

                • The lexical class of the focused constituent.

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                  def Kiss1998.instDecidableEqFocusConfig.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : FocusConfig) :
                  Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                      The canonical position for a focus type (§2): identificational moves to Spec,FP, information stays postverbal.

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                        Class–type compatibility (§3): universal is barred from identificational focus (17b–d); onlyPhrase is "obligatorily realized as identificational" (§3); someIndef is barred from both — starred identificationally (17e) and "cannot function as information foci, either" (§3).

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                          A configuration is licensed iff its position is canonical for its focus type (§2) and its constituent class is compatible with that type (§3).

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                            A preverbal identificational focus over a compatible class.

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                              A postverbal information focus over a compatible class.

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                                Position determines focus type on licensed configurations — the biconditional behind the Meaning-Structure Mapping verdict for Hungarian.

                                csak-phrases must be identificational foci (§3).

                                valami/valaki can never be focused (17e): no licensed configuration has a someIndef constituent.

                                Cells (§1, eq. 5a/5b, 8a/8b, 17b, 19b) #

                                Eq. (5a): Tegnap este Marinak mutattam be Pétert 'It was to MARY that I introduced Peter last night.' Identificational/preverbal: of the relevant set of persons, it was Mary and no one else that I introduced Peter to.

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                                  Eq. (5b): Tegnap este be mutattam Pétert MARINAK 'Last night I introduced Peter TO MARY.' Information/postverbal: presents Mary as nonpresupposed information, without suggesting Mary was the only one.

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                                    Eq. (8a): Mari egy kalapot nézett ki magának 'It was a HAT that Mary picked for herself.' Identificational/preverbal of a regular DP.

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                                      Eq. (8b): Mari ki nézett magának EGY KALAPOT 'Mary picked for herself A HAT.' Information/postverbal of a regular DP — non-exhaustive.

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                                        Eq. (17b — starred): *Mari minden kalapot nézett ki magának 'It was every hat that Mary picked for herself.' Universal quantifier in identificational focus position is ungrammatical (paper §3). Constructed directly to demonstrate the distributional restriction has bite.

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                                          Eq. (19b): Minden kollégámat meg hívtam 'I invited EVERY COLLEAGUE OF MINE.' Universal quantifier as postverbal information focus — grammatical, demonstrating that minden is barred only from identificational position, not from focus altogether.

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                                            Position determines focus type (paper §2) #

                                            Among licensed configurations, focusType factors through position. The same schema is instantiated for Hausa in HartmannZimmermann2007.lean (with cfg.strategy and pragType) and refuted there — a difference of verdict on one shared predicate.

                                            On licensed configurations the focus type is literally typeOfPosition of the position — the §2 claim in factored form.

                                            Position determines focus type on licensed configurations: Kiss's §2 structural claim, derived from the explicit factor.

                                            Position equivalence with exhaustivity: composition of the position-type and type-exhaustivity equivalences. The semantic payoff of Kiss's §2 structural distinction.

                                            Distributional restrictions (paper §3, eq. 17) #

                                            Universal quantifiers can be information foci (19b): the class barred preverbally is admissible postverbally.

                                            The csak X construction is obligatorily identificational (§3): the information-focus alternative is ill-licensed.

                                            Indefinite valami/valaki is barred from both focus types (17e).

                                            Cell properties #

                                            The eq. (5a/5b) minimal pair: same constituent, different positions, different focus types — both licensed.

                                            Exhaustive identification semantics (§2) #

                                            The hat/coat model of the paper's own test sentences ((8), (12)–(15)). Identificational focus is the prejacent exhaustified over the resolved alternatives — covert obligatory Semantics.Focus.onlyVia — while information focus is the bare prejacent. Szabolcsi's coordination test and Farkas's dialogue test come out as theorems, and position determines whether exhaustification applies: the like-for-like counterpart of HartmannZimmermann2007.exhAnswer_eq, where exhaustification is strategy-blind.

                                            Worlds tracking what Mary picked for herself.

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                                              def Kiss1998.instReprHatWorld.repr :
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                                                'Mary picked a hat' (at least).

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                                                  'Mary picked a coat' (at least).

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                                                    The resolved atomic alternatives for the picking scenario.

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                                                      Identificational focus: the prejacent exhaustified over the resolved alternatives (§2's "exhaustive subset of the relevant set").

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                                                        The identificational meaning of (8a)/(12b) computes to picked-exactly-a-hat.

                                                        Szabolcsi's coordination test ((12) vs (13)): the identificational a hat contradicts the hat-and-coat content, while the information-focus a hat is entailed by it.

                                                        Farkas's dialogue test ((15)): in the situation where Mary picked a coat too, the identificational claim is false (so B's "No, she picked a coat, too" is a coherent denial of exhaustivity), while the information-focus claim is true (so the denial is infelicitous).

                                                        Position determines the semantics: the preverbal slot's meaning is exhaustified, the postverbal one's is plain — Kiss's §2 claim cashed out through the factor typeOfPosition. The Hausa counterpart (HartmannZimmermann2007.exhAnswer_eq) shows exhaustification strategy-blind: the two-verdict contrast at the level of one semantic operator.