Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Karttunen1971

Karttunen 1971: Implicative Verbs [Kar71] #

Implicative Verbs. Language 47(2): 340–358.

Core Contribution #

Complement-taking predicates that take infinitival complements divide into implicative and non-implicative classes based on complement entailment:

Historical Context #

Karttunen's 2×2 classification (necessary × sufficient) was the original descriptive taxonomy. The modern consensus ([Nad23a]) derives the entailment patterns from causal structure rather than from presuppositional schemas. The theory layer (Causation/Implicative.lean) implements the modern causal analysis; this study file preserves Karttunen's original classification. The bridges to the modern types live with the papers that draw them: Studies/Nadathur2023.lean (classification conversion) and Studies/NadathurLauer2020.lean (entailment cells vs causal mechanism).

Key differences from the modern analysis:

Karttunen's schemas: - (37) nec + suf: PRESUP v(S) is nec+suf for S. PROP v(S). - (41) nec + suf (neg): same but for ¬S. - (54) nec only: PRESUP v(S) is nec for S. PROP v(S). - (59) suf only: PRESUP v(S) is suf for S. PROP v(S). - neither: no complement entailment.

Karttunen's descriptive classification of complement-entailing predicates as a 2×2: necessary × sufficient × polarity.

This is the historical taxonomy from the 1971 paper. The modern causal analysis uses ImplicativeClass (which adds aspectGoverned) and Causative (which distinguishes causal mechanisms).

  • isSufficient : Bool

    v(S) is sufficient for S: affirmative entails complement.

  • isNecessary : Bool

    v(S) is necessary for S: negation entails ¬complement.

  • Positive (manage: entails S) vs negative (fail: entails ¬S).

Instances For
    def Karttunen1971.instDecidableEqKarttunenClass.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : KarttunenClass) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For
      Equations
      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
      Instances For
        Equations
        Instances For
          Equations
          Instances For

            Sufficient only: "forced X to VP" → VP; "didn't force" ↛ ¬VP.

            Equations
            Instances For

              Sufficient only, negative: "prevented X from VP-ing" → ¬VP.

              Equations
              Instances For

                Necessary only: "wasn't able to VP" → ¬VP; "was able" ↛ VP.

                Equations
                Instances For

                  Neither: hope, want, intend.

                  Equations
                  Instances For

                    Verify that Fragment verb entries carry the correct annotations, matching Karttunen's inventory (ex. 2, p.341).

                    happen is a raising verb, not subject-control. "It happened to rain" is grammatical — the matrix subject receives no theta role from happen. Karttunen (§9) describes happen's presupposition as chance-dependence, but does not discuss its syntactic control type.

                    dare and bother have both presupposition (occasion verbs) AND implicative entailment: "John dared to speak" presupposes risk AND entails "John spoke." These are compatible per Karttunen §9.

                    The key diagnostic: factives preserve complement presupposition under negation; implicatives reverse the complement entailment.

                    "John didn't realize he had no money" — still presupposes "he had no money."
                    "John didn't manage to solve it" — entails "he didn't solve it." 
                    

                    The grounding chain: KarttunenClass → Implicative → causal semantics → complement entailment.

                    For sufficient-positive classes, the chain is:
                    `KarttunenClass.manage.polarity` = `.positive`
                    → `Implicative.positive.toSemantics` = `manageSem`
                    → `manage_entails_complement`: manageSem sc → complement true
                    
                    These theorems derive the entailment from the classification,
                    not just re-export the theory-layer theorem. 
                    

                    sufficient_positive_class_entails / sufficient_negative_class_entails / manage_class_entails / fail_class_entails — these grounded KarttunenClass.polarity.toSemantics chain theorems were over the legacy ImplicativeScenario/normalDevelopment substrate; deleted in Phase D-H. The polymorphic V2 analog is direct: for any BoolSEM V and a positive (resp. negative) KarttunenClass, Implicative.toSemantics M .positive bg p xP c xC IS Implicative.manageSem M bg p xP c xC IS SEM.causallySufficient M bg p xP c xC (rfl-chain).

                    Double negation cancellation is a signature property of implicative verbs. Karttunen's examples:

                    - (13) "John didn't remember not to lock his door" → "John locked his door."
                    - (40a) "John didn't forget to lock his door" → (40d) "John locked his door."
                    
                    The current causal semantics models the *positive* direction
                    (manageSem → complement true) and the *negative* direction
                    (failSem → complement false) separately. Full double negation
                    — where matrix negation and complement negation interact to yield
                    a positive entailment — would require compositional negation over
                    the causal model, which is not yet formalized.
                    
                    What we CAN verify: the two directions (positive entailment, negative
                    entailment) are separately grounded, and two-way KarttunenClasses
                    predict both directions. 
                    
                    theorem Karttunen1971.two_way_has_both_directions (k : KarttunenClass) (hTwoWay : k.isTwoWay = true) :
                    k.isSufficient = true k.isNecessary = true

                    Two-way classes predict entailment in BOTH directions: the positive polarity grounds the affirmative direction, the negative polarity grounds the negation direction.

                    All four cells of the 2×2 are populated by Fragment entries.

                    be able is NOT a lexical implicative — it has no implicative. The actuality entailment is aspect-governed ([Nad23a]): perfective "was able to VP" → VP; imperfective "was able to VP" ↛ VP. Karttunen (§11) notes these verbs are ambiguous between implicative and non-implicative readings.

                    be able takes infinitival complement with subject control. "He was able to leave" — the subject has the ability (theta role).

                    Tension with Noonan's Reality Status #

                    [noonan-2007] classifies achievement CTPs (*manage*, *fail*) as
                    IRREALIS because they take infinitival complements. But Karttunen shows
                    these verbs ENTAIL complement truth — semantically realis. Complement
                    *form* (irrealis) and complement *entailment* (realis) diverge for
                    implicative verbs.