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Linglib.Studies.Jenks2018

Jenks (2018): Articulated Definiteness without Articles #

[Jen18] argues that Mandarin distinguishes unique definites, realized as bare nouns via an unblocked Chierchia-style ι type-shift, from anaphoric definites, realized as Dem-Clf-N with the demonstrative supplying a Schwarz-style ι^x; an Index! principle, an instance of Maximize Presupposition, forces the indexed form whenever an index is available, except for matrix subjects marking continuing topics. The typology (Table 2) leaves the marked-unique cell unattested. Cells are derived from each language's Determiners.inventory, Index! is built with MaximizePresupposition.mpConstraintOf, and the type-shift claims run through MeaningPreservation.selectShift. Jenks types the ι^x index as a property (his §4.4 composition with proper names), while the substrate's Description.anaphoric carries a Schwarz-style individual index, so §4.4 is not formalized here. The post-Jenks Shan refutation lives in Moroney2021.lean per chronology discipline.

References #

The typology and its attested cells (Table 2) #

The three [Jen18] Table 2 attested marking strategies. The fourth cell — marked unique — is predicted unattested, with Greenberg's grammaticalization path (articles arise from demonstratives, hence in anaphoric uses first) as the diachronic explanation.

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    Mandarin and Cantonese derive distinct cells — the paper's §6 contrast: Cantonese [Clf-N] is a syncretic definite like English the, while Mandarin marks only anaphoric definites.

    Realization in the Mandarin inventory (§3) #

    Mandarin realizes anaphoric definiteness — the demonstrative obligatorily expones familiarity uses as Dem-Clf-N.

    Mandarin realizes the demonstrative kind, the /zhè paradigm, with preferred in simple anaphoric environments.

    Bridging and donkey definites (§3.1, §3.3) #

    Donkey definites pattern with discourse anaphora: the donkey use projects familiarity, so Mandarin requires Dem-Clf-N in ruguo- and dou-conditionals and in relative-clause donkey configurations ((18)–(20); bare conditionals use indeterminate pronouns and involve no definite).

    ι unblocked, ι^x blocked (Blocking Principle (23)) #

    The type-shift context of a Mandarin bare noun: no article blocks ι or ∃ ("Don't do covertly what you can do overtly", (23)), while the demonstrative paradigm preempts covert ι^x.

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      ι is selected for Mandarin bare nouns while ι^x is unavailable: bare N covers unique but not anaphoric definiteness — the .markedAnaphoric profile at the type-shift layer.

      Index! as a Maximize Presupposition instance ((50), §5.2) #

      An Index! candidate: an indexed alternative competes only when an index can be supplied by prior mention in discourse.

      • isIndexed : Bool
      • indexAvailable : Bool
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        def Jenks2018.instDecidableEqIndexCandidate.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : IndexCandidate) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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            Index! strength: an indexed candidate gets strength 1 exactly when an index can actually be supplied, and bare candidates get 0.

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              Index! — "Represent and bind all possible indices" (50) — as the substrate's general Maximize Presupposition construction at strength 1.

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                theorem Jenks2018.index_prefers_indexed_when_available :
                indexConstraint { isIndexed := true, indexAvailable := true } < indexConstraint { isIndexed := false, indexAvailable := true }

                With a discourse antecedent available, the indexed candidate incurs strictly fewer Index! violations than the bare one.

                theorem Jenks2018.index_neutral_when_unavailable :
                indexConstraint { isIndexed := true, indexAvailable := false } = indexConstraint { isIndexed := false, indexAvailable := false }

                Without a discourse antecedent Index! is neutral, leaving bare N the only option in unique-definite contexts.

                The subject-position exception (§5.3) #

                A topic-aware Index! candidate: bare anaphoric subjects mark continuing topics, while new (left-dislocated) topics prefer the demonstrative.

                • isIndexed : Bool
                • indexAvailable : Bool
                • isTopic : Bool
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                  def Jenks2018.instDecidableEqTopicCandidate.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : TopicCandidate) :
                  Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                      Topic-overridden Index! strength: continuing-topic marking gives a bare candidate the same strength as an indexed one.

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                        theorem Jenks2018.subject_topic_overrides_index :
                        topicAwareIndexConstraint { isIndexed := false, indexAvailable := true, isTopic := true } = topicAwareIndexConstraint { isIndexed := true, indexAvailable := true, isTopic := true }

                        A bare candidate marked as a continuing topic ties with the indexed alternative, restoring the free variation of matrix subjects.

                        theorem Jenks2018.non_topic_keeps_index_preference :
                        topicAwareIndexConstraint { isIndexed := true, indexAvailable := true, isTopic := false } < topicAwareIndexConstraint { isIndexed := false, indexAvailable := true, isTopic := false }

                        Without topic marking the Index! preference stands.

                        The strict demonstrative under situation variation (§4.3) #

                        A demonstrative description's referent is fixed by the entity assignment at its index, so when the restrictor is situation-invariant at that entity the demonstrative cannot covary through the situation slot — the strict half of §4.3's contrast ((27)–(30): bare N covaries with a quantificational topic, the demonstrative forces the strict reading). The covarying half needs the property-typed index noted in the module docstring.