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Linglib.Studies.Glass2025

Glass (2025): Attested versus unattested contrafactive belief verbs #

[Gla25] [Gla23a] [RO25]

Semantics and Pragmatics 18, Article 8: 1-17.

Key Claims #

  1. Two ways to negate the factive presupposition: A contrafactive could require ¬p (all CommonGround worlds are ¬p worlds) or require compatibility with ¬p (some CommonGround world is a ¬p world).

  2. Strong contrafactives are unattested: No verb presupposes ¬p (requiring CommonGround ⊨ ¬p). This follows from the Predicate Lexicalization Constraint ([RO25]): ¬p cannot causally support B(x)(p).

  3. Weak contrafactives exist: Mandarin yǐwéi ([Gla23a]) has a postsupposition ◇¬p — after utterance, the CommonGround must be compatible with ¬p. This is a definedness condition on the output context, not a presupposition on the input context.

  4. Revised question: "Why are there belief verbs like know (CommonGround ⊨ p) and yǐwéi (CommonGround ◇ ¬p), but none like contra (CommonGround ⊨ ¬p)?"

Formalization Strategy #

Belief verb denotations are PartialProp W values produced by DoxasticPredicate.toPartialProp. The presup field captures the factive presupposition (or lack thereof). yǐwéi's postsupposition is a Postsupposition value (§2 below). The PresupClass typology and the attestation classifier presupClassIsValid are defined here; their causal derivation via the Predicate Lexicalization Constraint is [RO25]'s account, prosecuted in Studies/RobertsOzyildiz2025.lean.

The presuppositional classes #

The typology of belief verbs by presuppositional profile: factive (know — CommonGround must entail p), nonfactive (think — no requirement), contrafactive (hypothetical contra — CommonGround must entail ¬p; UNATTESTED), with yǐwéi's ◇¬p requirement a postsupposition (§2), not a presupposition. The class of a verb is derived from its veridicality, and presupClassIsValid records the attestation facts — valid iff not contrafactive.

Presuppositional profile of a doxastic verb.

  • factive : PresupClass

    Presupposes p (know).

  • contrafactive : PresupClass

    Would presuppose ¬p (hypothetical contra; unattested).

  • nonfactive : PresupClass

    No presupposition (believe, think).

  • other : PresupClass

    None of the above.

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      Factive presuppositions are attested.

      Contrafactive presuppositions are unattested.

      Nonfactive profiles are attested (no presupposition to check).

      Minimal 2-world model for exercising Table 1.

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        Output-context constraints ([Bra13]): conditions on the Common Ground after an utterance updates it, as opposed to presuppositions, which constrain the input context. [Gla25] argues Mandarin yǐwéi carries the postsupposition ◇¬p: after accepting "x yǐwéi p", the CommonGround must be compatible with ¬p — a condition not derivable from veridicality alone.

        structure Glass2025.Postsupposition (W : Type u_1) :
        Type u_1

        A postsupposition: a constraint on the output context after a discourse update, taking the context set (as List W) and the embedded proposition.

        • condition : List W(WProp)Prop
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          No postsupposition (trivially satisfied).

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            Weak contrafactive: the output context is compatible with ¬p — some world in the output context falsifies p. This is yǐwéi's ◇¬p ([Gla25], [Gla23a]).

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              Strong contrafactive: the output context entails ¬p — every world in the output context falsifies p. The hypothetical contra verb's requirement — UNATTESTED.

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                theorem Glass2025.Postsupposition.none_condition {W : Type u_1} (cs : List W) (p : WProp) :

                The trivial postsupposition is always satisfied.

                theorem Glass2025.Postsupposition.strong_entails_weak {W : Type u_1} {cs : List W} {p : WProp} (hne : cs []) (h : strongContrafactive.condition cs p) :

                Strong contrafactivity entails weak (nonempty contexts): CommonGround ⊨ ¬p forces CommonGround ◇ ¬p — [Gla25]'s observation that yǐwéi's requirement is strictly weaker than contra's.

                Weak contrafactivity does not entail strong: a context can be compatible with ¬p without entailing ¬p.

                Construct presuppositional denotations for four verb types directly from veridicality, matching [Gla25] Table 1.

                We define the presup fields directly (rather than instantiating full DoxasticPredicates) to keep the model minimal. The connection to DoxasticPredicate.toPartialProp is established by the classification theorems in §4.

                Table 1 from [Gla25]: possible states of the Common Ground after updating with each utterance.

                UtteranceProjective contentp◇p ∧ ◇¬pnot-p
                x knows prequires p
                x thinks p(none)
                x yǐwéi prequires ◇(¬p)
                x contra prequires ¬p

                We verify this by checking the presup field against each context type.

                Each English/Mandarin attitude verb's PresupClass is DERIVED from its veridicality in the Fragment entry. These theorems will BREAK if:

                1. A verb's attitude changes
                2. The classifyVeridicality function changes
                3. The veridicality derivation from Attitude changes

                yǐwéi is classified as nonfactive by veridicality (§5), but it has an additional postsupposition ◇¬p that is NOT derivable from veridicality. Veridicality is a derivable property of the canonical Mandarin entry; the postsupposition is [Gla25]'s paper-specific overlay, recorded here in the study rather than as a field on the Fragment entry.

                Postsupposition type: output-context constraint distinct from presuppositions ([Gla25]). The world-type-independent tag; the concrete construct is Postsupposition (§2).

                • weakContrafactive : PostsupType

                  Output context must be compatible with ¬p: ◇¬p ([Gla25]).

                • strongContrafactive : PostsupType

                  Output context must entail ¬p: ⊨¬p (hypothetical, UNATTESTED).

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                    [Gla25] classifies yǐwéi as carrying a weak contrafactive postsupposition. This is the paper's analytical claim about the canonical Mandarin yiwei entry — not a field on that entry.

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                      yǐwéi's veridicality gives nonfactive — no presupposition.

                      The postsupposition IS necessary: veridicality alone gives .nonfactive (no presupposition), but yǐwéi actually has a weak contrafactive postsupposition. Pairing the canonical entry's derivable veridicality with Glass's postsupposition classification shows the two diverge — veridicality is blind to the postsupposition.

                      The contrafactive gap DERIVED from the Predicate Lexicalization Constraint:

                      This is not a stipulation — it follows from the causal structure of belief formation ([RO25]).

                      The contrafactive gap: factive and nonfactive are valid; contrafactive is invalid.

                      The full derivation chain: Fragment entry → attitude → veridicality → PresupClass → presupClassIsValid → PLC check

                      This section exercises the complete pipeline for representative verbs.

                      End-to-end: "know" is factive, and factive presuppositions are valid.

                      End-to-end: "believe" is nonfactive, and nonfactive is valid.

                      End-to-end: know's presupposition is satisfied in a factive context.

                      End-to-end: know's presupposition fails in a neutral context.

                      End-to-end: yǐwéi's postsupposition is satisfied in a neutral context (where veridicality-based presupposition is vacuously OK).

                      [Gla25] §4.2 notes that yǐwéi supports neg-raising, like other nonfactive verbs. This follows from Veridicality: neg-raising is available for non-veridical predicates ([Gaj07], NegRaising.lean).

                      Since PresupClass.nonfactive verbs are exactly the non-veridical ones, the neg-raising gap aligns with the contrafactive gap.

                      Nonfactive verbs (including yǐwéi) support neg-raising.

                      The contrafactive gap and the neg-raising gap trace to the same source: veridicality. Factives satisfy PLC but block neg-raising; nonfactives escape PLC (no presupposition) and support neg-raising.