Faust (2026) — Intrusion as Template Satisfaction #
[Fau26] [McC81] [Bro84] [Low96] [Low14] [Kra20]
Faust, Noam. 2026. Intrusion as template satisfaction and the QaTaT–QaTa problem in Semitic. Linguistic Inquiry 57(2): 427–441. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00524
Core contribution #
A single alignment principle, *Misalignment — "a nonfinal root element must not be template-final" ([Fau26] (2)/(6b)) — jointly resolves three Semitic puzzles:
The QaTaT–QaTa gap (Modern Hebrew). Triradical [j]-final roots like √klj
roastwould be predicted by template satisfaction ([McC81]) to fill the [+c]-specified template-final slot via spreading of the medial radical /l/, yielding *[kalal]. They surface instead as [kala] with an unfilled C-slot ([Fau26] (3c), (4)). *Misalignment derives this: spreading /l/ to template-final would put a nonfinal root element in template-final position. The grammar tolerates an unfilled C-slot rather than violate *Misalignment.Amharic [t]-intrusion ([Bro84]). The [t] in Amharic gerund [fädʤto] and INF forms is reanalyzed not as a default consonant inserted to satisfy the template ([Bro84]), but as the feminine /t/ — the n[+gen] exponent realized as a sister bound root in the sense of [Low14] — which satisfies the template without being a nonfinal root segment, hence not violating *Misalignment. The strategy is unavailable for verbal forms because gender markers are inherent on n, not contextual on Agr ([Fau26] (11) — connects to [Kra20]).
Apparent OCP-violating Amharic biradicals are reanalyzed. [Bro84] concluded that Amharic admits OCP-violating √TT roots like √dd for [wäddäd-ä]
liked. [Fau26] (page 432) shows: oncescorch-type verbs are reanalyzed as triradical (√fdj, not biradical √fd), there is no remaining reason to posit OCP-violating roots. The [wäddäd-ä] form is based on biradical √wd, where /w/ ≠ /d/ — the surface gemination is a template-spreading effect, and *Misalignment is satisfied because the spread /d/ is the final root segment.
Architectural integration #
This file consumes and exercises the shared infrastructure:
Morphology.Root— polymorphic consonantal-root carrier.Faust2026.Templates(defined above in this file) —CVSlot,Template,Association,RootTemplateMatch, with derivedisMisaligned,allCSlotsFilled,satisfies.Faust2026.Templates.starMisalign— the *Misalignment alignment constraint, built via the genericConstraint.binaryconstructor.OptimalityTheory.adjacentIdentical— drives the root-level OCP, used to verify [Fau26]'s OCP-related reanalysis.
Per-derivation decide theorems test all four combinations of
isMisaligned ∈ {true, false} × allCSlotsFilled ∈ {true, false},
making the central squib claim — Misalignment-violating candidates
are blocked even when they satisfy the template — visible at the
type level rather than restated in prose.
A slot in a CV-skeletal template ([McC81], [Low96]):
C: a bare consonantal timing slot.V: a vowel timing slot.Cspec: a C-slot bearing the [+consonantal] feature, blocking association from glides like /j/ — this is the slot type that triggers the QaTaT–QaTa problem when paired with a [j]-final root ([Fau26] (4)).
Instances For
Equations
- Faust2026.Templates.instDecidableEqCVSlot x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Faust2026.Templates.instReprCVSlot = { reprPrec := Faust2026.Templates.instReprCVSlot.repr }
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Is this slot a C-slot (bare or [+c]-specified)?
Equations
- Faust2026.Templates.CVSlot.C.IsC = True
- Faust2026.Templates.CVSlot.Cspec.IsC = True
- Faust2026.Templates.CVSlot.V.IsC = False
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Does this slot require a [+consonantal] segment?
Equations
- Faust2026.Templates.CVSlot.Cspec.RequiresConsonantal = True
- x✝.RequiresConsonantal = False
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- Faust2026.Templates.instDecidableEqTemplate.decEq { slots := a } { slots := b } = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The number of slots in the template.
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The number of C-slots (consonant timing positions).
Equations
- t.cCount = (List.filter (fun (s : Faust2026.Templates.CVSlot) => decide s.IsC) t.slots).length
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Slot i is the final slot of the template.
Equations
- t.isFinalSlot i = (i + 1 = t.length)
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The morphological source of an association.
Faust 2026's analysis turns on this distinction: a .root association
is subject to *Misalignment, an .intruder association is not. Intruders
are sister exponents (e.g. the feminine [t] in Hebrew taQTiL nouns,
[Fau26] (10)) that satisfy the template without being root
segments themselves.
- root : AssocSource
- intruder : AssocSource
Instances For
Equations
- Faust2026.Templates.instDecidableEqAssocSource x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A single root-to-slot association line ([McC81]).
rootIndex is interpreted relative to the root for .root associations,
or as an opaque tag for .intruder associations (intruder identity is
handled at the fragment level — this module is segment-agnostic).
Defaults to .root so that "ordinary" associations stay terse.
- source : AssocSource
- rootIndex : ℕ
- slotIndex : ℕ
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A root paired with a template and a list of associations.
Different candidate realizations of the same root × template pair are
different RootTemplateMatch values that share root and template but
differ in associations. The Faust 2026 analysis compares such candidates
via the derived isMisaligned predicate.
- root : Morphology.Root α
- template : Template
- associations : List Association
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An association is a root-to-final link iff it comes from the root proper and lands at the template-final slot.
Equations
- m.isRootFinal a = (a.source = Faust2026.Templates.AssocSource.root ∧ m.template.isFinalSlot a.slotIndex)
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Misalignment ([Fau26] (2)): the match has a nonfinal root
segment associated to the template-final slot. Intruder associations do
not count — see AssocSource.
Equations
- m.isMisaligned = ∃ a ∈ m.associations, a.source = Faust2026.Templates.AssocSource.root ∧ m.root.isNonfinal a.rootIndex = true ∧ m.template.isFinalSlot a.slotIndex
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The list of C-slot indices that are NOT filled by any association. Used by hollow-root analyses ([Fau26] (13)): when the medial radical is non-consonantal, the medial C-slot is unfilled, and the position of the unfilled slot determines whether [t]-intrusion is licensed (final-empty: licit; medial-empty: blocked by the No-Crossing Constraint).
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Every C-slot of the template is filled by some association (root or intruder) — equivalently, no C-slot is left unfilled.
Equations
- m.allCSlotsFilled = (m.unfilledCSlots = [])
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The template is satisfied iff all C-slots are filled and the result is not misaligned. The two requirements are independent — the central point of [Fau26] is that for [j]-final biradicals in Hebrew, one cannot satisfy the first without violating the second.
Equations
- m.satisfies = (m.allCSlotsFilled ∧ ¬m.isMisaligned)
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Every association points to an in-range root segment and slot.
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The No-Crossing Constraint ([Gol76]): an intruder
association at slot i crosses an existing association at slot j > i.
Right-edge intruders (e.g. the feminine /t/ suffix in Hebrew taQTiL
and Amharic gerunds) associate inward from the right, so any root
segment to the right of the intruder forces line-crossing.
This is the predicate that explains [Fau26] (13b–c): [t]-intrusion does not fill the medial C[+c] of [mäsam]/[mähid] because the final C-slot is already filled by the final root radical, so an intruder at the medial position would have to cross the final root association line.
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Does this match contain any intruder associations?
Templates without intruders are licit in any morphosyntactic context
(verbal or nominal); templates with intruders require external
licensing — see intrusionLicensed.
Equations
- m.hasIntruder = ∃ a ∈ m.associations, a.source = Faust2026.Templates.AssocSource.intruder
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A RootTemplateMatch is intrusion-licensed under an external
licensing predicate iff either (a) the predicate is true
(the morphosyntactic context licenses an intruding sister bound
root, à la [Low14]), or (b) the match contains no
intruder associations.
The licensing predicate is supplied by the morphological theory
above — for [Fau26]'s analysis, it evaluates to true
iff the template is realized at an n[+gen] head in
[Kra20]'s sense (verbal templates, whose gender lives
on a higher Agr head, evaluate to false and so admit no
intrusion). The predicate is Bool-valued (an external licensing
flag) rather than a MorphologicalLocus enum, keeping the template
layer independent of any particular categorizer taxonomy.
Equations
- m.intrusionLicensed licensed = (licensed = true ∨ ¬m.hasIntruder)
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A match with no associations is trivially not misaligned.
*Misalignment cannot fire from intruder associations alone.
The Prop predicates isMisaligned, violatesNCC, and satisfies are
now stated directly as the existential / conjunctive characterizations
that the squib's argument relies on, so no separate _iff lemmas are
needed: satisfies is by definition allCSlotsFilled ∧ ¬ isMisaligned.
Structural characterization of intrusionLicensed: a match passes
licensing iff either the external predicate licenses intrusion OR
the match is intruder-free. The disjunction is the formal content
of the verbal/nominal asymmetry — verbal templates require
intruder-free derivations; nominal templates with n[+gen] admit
either.
Intruder-free matches are licensed in any morphosyntactic context.
An intruder-bearing match is licensed iff the external predicate is
true — the contrapositive that delivers the verbal/nominal split.
The *Misalignment constraint of [Fau26] (2): a markedness
constraint that fires on RootTemplateMatch candidates whose
isMisaligned predicate holds. Built via the generic Constraint.binary
constructor from Constraints.
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The FILL constraint ([PS93]): a markedness constraint penalizing unfilled C-slots in the template. Used by [Fau26]'s implicit ranking *Misalign >> FILL: spreading a nonfinal root segment to a final [+c] slot satisfies FILL but violates *Misalign, and the grammar prefers the FILL-violating candidate.
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NoCross ([Gol76]): a markedness constraint penalizing candidates whose intruder associations cross root associations.
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The Hebrew PST.3MSG verbal template CaCaC[+c] ([Fau26]
(1), (3a–c), (4)). Five slots; the final C-slot is [+consonantal],
blocking association from the glide /j/.
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The Hebrew passive-participle template CaCuC ([Fau26]
(3c) discussion). Five slots; the final C-slot is not
[+c]-specified, so the glide /j/ associates to it freely
(yielding [kaluj], [tʃamuj]).
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The Hebrew nominal template taQTiL[+c] ([Fau26] (9)–(10)):
six slots C V C C V C[+c]. The first C V (= "ta") is realized
by the n[+gen]-internal /t/ exponent and template vocalization;
the medial C C hosts the first two root radicals; the final
C[+c] is the slot that hosts the intruding feminine /t/ in the
feminine-noun reading ([Fau26] (10b–c)).
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The Amharic PFV.3MSG verbal template (type-A pattern CäC.CäC[+c],
[Fau26] (5), (7)). Six slots C V C C V C[+c]; the
medial geminate C C is the position where Amharic spreads its
second radical, and the final C-slot is [+c]. The verbal -ä
person-marking suffix attaches outside this template.
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The three-way QaTaT–QaTa contrast ([Fau26] (3)) #
[Fau26] (3) presents three Modern Hebrew verbs sharing the
same CaCaC[+c] template:
- (3a) [kalat] from √klt — full triradical, all radicals surface.
- (3b) [kalal] from √kll — final radical /l/ spreads/associates to template-final; legitimate because the spreading segment IS the final root segment (no *Misalignment violation).
- (3c) [kala] from √klj — analogous spreading would put nonfinal /l/ at template-final; *Misalignment blocks it, so the [+c] slot is left unfilled and the surface form has only two consonants.
The squib's analytical move: (3b) and (3c) look superficially identical — both would (or do) involve the medial radical surfacing in the final position — but *Misalignment discriminates by which root index the template-final segment came from.
(3a) [kalat] from √klt: full triradical control case. Every root segment associates to a distinct template C-slot; no spreading, no misalignment.
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(3b) [kalal] from √kll: the attested QaTaT pattern. The final /l/ at root index 2 associates to template-final C[+c]; this is the final-of-final case and *Misalignment is satisfied.
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Candidate (4) of [Fau26]: the spreading derivation of
*[kalal] from √klj + CaCaC[+c]. The medial /l/ at root
index 1 is spread to the [+c] template-final slot (template
index 4). This is the candidate template satisfaction predicts;
[Fau26] (4) shows it is ruled out by *Misalignment.
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The actual surface form [kala] ([Fau26] (3c)): only /k/ and /l/ associate; the [+c] template-final slot is left unfilled because /j/ cannot satisfy [+c] and spreading /l/ would violate *Misalignment. The grammar tolerates the unfilled C-slot.
Equations
- Faust2026.hebrewKlj_kala = { root := Hebrew.klj, template := Faust2026.hebrewPst3msg, associations := [{ rootIndex := 0, slotIndex := 0 }, { rootIndex := 1, slotIndex := 2 }] }
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The passive participle [kaluj] ([Fau26] (3c)): /j/ surfaces because the final C-slot is not [+c]-specified, so direct association succeeds and no spreading is required — *Misalignment trivially satisfied, all C-slots filled.
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The illicit derivation ([Fau26] (10a)): √dmj associated directly to taQTiL[+c]. The prefix /t/ fills C0 (intruder, since it belongs to the template-internal "ta" exponent rather than √dmj), the root /d/ and /m/ fill C2 and C3 respectively, and to fill the [+c] final slot we attempt to spread /m/ — but /m/ is nonfinal in √dmj, so this violates *Misalignment.
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The licit [tadmit] derivation ([Fau26] (10b–c)): the feminine n[+gen] exponent /t/ is added as a sister bound root, and its /t/ associates from the right to the [+c] final C-slot. Both the prefix /t/ at C0 and the suffix /t/ at C5 are intruder associations (not part of √dmj), so *Misalignment doesn't fire on either; the root /d/ and /m/ occupy nonfinal C-slots.
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Amharic [fädʤ-ä] PFV.3MSG: √fdj in CäC.CäC[+c]. Following
[Fau26] (7a) with truncation: /f/ → C0, /d/ → C2 (and
spreads to C3 for gemination), /j/ has no slot — its palatality
merges with the preceding /d/ to yield [dʒ], and the penult V
plus final C[+c] are truncated in the surface form. The unfilled
final C-slot is precisely what the squib's analysis predicts.
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Amharic gerund [fädʤto] ([Fau26] (8)): the feminine /t/ intruder fills the [+c] penult slot, and the final V slot hosts the gerund [-o] suffix. Because /t/ is an intruder (not a root segment), *Misalignment does not block it.
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Amharic [wäddäd-ä] liked PFV.3MSG: √wd is biradical
([Fau26] page 432). /w/ → C0; /d/ → C2 (and spreads to
C3 for gemination, and to C[+c]5 to fill the final slot). The
spread of /d/ to template-final is licit under *Misalignment
because /d/ is at root index 1, the final root segment of
√wd — there is no nonfinal-to-final misalignment. This is the
type-level demonstration that the surface contrast between
[wäddäd-ä] (biradical, OK) and *[kalal] (triradical, blocked)
falls out of *Misalignment alone, with no need for OCP-violating
roots.
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(3a) [kalat] from √klt: the full-triradical control case satisfies everything — every C-slot filled, no *Misalignment.
(3b) [kalal] from √kll: the attested QaTaT pattern satisfies the template (every C-slot filled) AND respects *Misalignment, because the segment at template-final is /l/ at root index 2 — the final root segment, so no nonfinal-to-final misalignment fires.
(4) The spreading candidate *[kalal] from √klj is misaligned.
(3c) The empty-slot candidate [kala] from √klj is not misaligned.
Spreading would have satisfied the template — i.e., kalal fills every C-slot — but it violates *Misalignment. The squib's central argument is that this latter violation is decisive.
The empty-slot [kala] candidate violates the C-slot-filling
requirement. The grammar tolerates this because every alternative
violates *Misalignment. (See qataT_qata_three_way_contrast for
the joint statement of the three-way fate.)
The passive participle [kaluj] is unproblematic on every dimension: final C-slot is not [+c]-specified, /j/ associates directly, no spreading required.
The full three-way contrast of [Fau26] (3): three roots, one template, three different fates determined by *Misalignment + [+c]-specification. The decisive feature is which root index sits at template-final:
- √klt: root-index 2 (= final). *Misalignment satisfied. ✓ [kalat]
- √kll: root-index 2 (= final, identical to medial). ✓ [kalal]
- √klj→l: root-index 1 (= nonfinal!). *Misalignment fires. ✗
- √klj→∅: no association at template-final. ✓ but C-slot empty: [kala]
The QaTaT–QaTa "puzzle" dissolves: superficially-identical surface patterns ([kalal] from √kll vs hypothetical [kalal] from √klj) have different root-template alignments, and *Misalignment discriminates by alignment, not by surface form.
The illicit spreading derivation ([Fau26] (10a)) is misaligned: nonfinal /m/ landed at the template-final slot.
The licit [tadmit] derivation ([Fau26] (10b–c)) — feminine /t/ intruder at the final [+c] slot — is not misaligned.
And [tadmit] does satisfy the template (all C-slots filled). This is the squib's central analytical move: intrusion is a template-satisfaction strategy that escapes *Misalignment by not being a root segment in the first place.
Amharic [fädʤ-ä] PFV is not misaligned (the final [+c] slot is truncated/unfilled, so no nonfinal root element is there).
Amharic [fädʤto] gerund satisfies the template via [t]-intrusion.
√wd's biradical [wäddäd-ä] satisfies the template — every C-slot filled, no *Misalignment violation (spreading /d/ to template-final is licit because /d/ is the final root segment). The OCP-violating √dd analysis [Bro84] posited is therefore unnecessary.
[Fau26]'s central observation about Hebrew (4): for the
same root √klj and template CaCaC[+c], the spreading candidate
violates *Misalignment (despite satisfying the template) while
the empty-slot candidate satisfies *Misalignment (despite an
unfilled C-slot). The grammar's preference for the empty slot
is exactly what *Misalignment >> FILL predicts — the squib's
OT-implicit ranking.
[Fau26]'s analytical move on Hebrew (10): templatic intrusion via the feminine /t/ is licit precisely because the intruder is not a root segment, so *Misalignment doesn't apply to it — and because it's licit, the template can be satisfied without an unfilled C-slot. The intruder strategy is strictly superior to spreading on both dimensions.
[Fau26]'s reanalysis (page 432): biradical vs triradical roots interact with *Misalignment differently. Spreading the final radical of a biradical root to template-final is licit (final-of-final), while spreading the medial radical of a triradical root is not. This is the type-level demonstration that the surface contrast between [wäddäd-ä] (OK) and *[kalal] (blocked) reduces to *Misalignment alone — no OCP-violating biradicals like [Bro84]'s √dd are needed.
The squib's core analytical claim, in one statement: across both languages and all three phenomena, every form claimed to surface satisfies *Misalignment, while every form claimed to be ruled out violates it.
Connecting to the OCP infrastructure ([McC81]) #
Faust's biradical reanalysis turns on a substantive empirical claim about the OCP at the root level: once √fdj is recognized as triradical (with /j/ as the third radical, not a default-[t]-inducing biradical √fd), the only remaining "OCP violators" — apparent biradicals like √wd — turn out to have distinct radicals after all (/w/ ≠ /d/), with surface gemination produced by template spreading rather than root identity.
The Root.IsOCPClean predicate (in Morphology) makes this
verifiable rather than asserted.
[Fau26] page 432: √wd has no OCP violation at the root level — even though [wäddäd-ä] surfaces with adjacent identical [d][d], the surface gemination is a template-spreading effect.
[Fau26]'s reanalysis: √fdj (the triradical analysis) has no OCP violation.
And the Hebrew [j]-final root √klj also satisfies the OCP.
[Fau26] (11)'s structural diagnosis — that [t]-intrusion
is the exponent of n[+gen] (cf. [Kra20]) and unavailable
for verbs because gender lives on a higher Agr head — is formalized
cross-paper in §12 below (the verbal/nominal asymmetry). The structural
Kramer-2015/2020 background itself is verified in
Studies/Kramer2020.lean.
The medial- vs. final-empty asymmetry #
[Fau26] (13) presents an asymmetry inside the [t]-intrusion paradigm itself. Three Amharic INF forms are derived from roots whose "hollow" element (a non-consonantal radical merging with vocalization) sits at different positions in the root:
(13a) [mäsmat] from √sma — non-consonantal final /a/ leaves the template-final C-slot unfilled. Right-edge [t]-intrusion fills that slot; the intruder is at the right edge of the association lines, so no other root association sits to its right. No NCC violation.
(13b) [mäsam] from √sam — non-consonantal medial /a/ leaves the medial C-slot unfilled, but the final C-slot is filled by the third radical /m/. Right-edge [t]-intrusion would have to land at the medial slot, with /m/ already associated to the final slot — and the intruder line would cross the /m/ line. NCC blocks it.
(13c) [mähid] from √hid — same structural configuration as (13b), but with /i/ as the non-consonantal medial. Same NCC blocking.
The Strict-CV [Low96] representation makes this asymmetry visible: which C-slot is empty matters because the No-Crossing Constraint [Gol76] discriminates by position relative to the rest of the association lines.
The infrastructure for this analysis lives in the template section
defined above in this file: RootTemplateMatch.unfilledCSlots,
RootTemplateMatch.violatesNCC, and the noCross constraint.
Amharic infinitive template (the five CV-skeletal slots after the [mä-] infinitive prefix). The final slot is [+c]-specified, which is what makes the [t]-intrusion question arise at all.
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(13a) [mäsmat] from √sma hear: the non-consonantal final
radical /a/ leaves the template-final C-slot unfilled, and right-edge
[t]-intrusion fills it without crossing any other root line.
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(13b) [mäsam] from √sam kiss: the non-consonantal medial
radical /a/ leaves the medial C-slot unfilled, while the third
radical /m/ fills the final C-slot. The medial position remains
empty in the surface form.
Equations
- Faust2026.amharicSam_inf = { root := Amharic.sam, template := Faust2026.amharicInf, associations := [{ rootIndex := 0, slotIndex := 0 }, { rootIndex := 2, slotIndex := 4 }] }
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Hypothetical [t]-intrusion candidate for √sam: tries to fill the medial C-slot from the right. The /m/ at C4 forces line-crossing. Demonstrates why intrusion is blocked in (13b).
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(13c) [mähid] from √hid go: structurally identical to (13b) —
non-consonantal medial /i/ leaves the medial C-slot unfilled, /d/
fills the final C-slot. Same NCC blocking of [t]-intrusion.
Equations
- Faust2026.amharicHid_inf = { root := Amharic.hid, template := Faust2026.amharicInf, associations := [{ rootIndex := 0, slotIndex := 0 }, { rootIndex := 2, slotIndex := 4 }] }
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Hypothetical [t]-intrusion candidate for √hid: same NCC violation
as amharicSam_inf_intrusion.
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Theorems — final-empty licenses intrusion, medial-empty blocks it #
(13a): √sma's [t]-intrusion derivation satisfies the template — every C-slot is filled (root + intruder), no *Misalignment fires.
(13a): the right-edge intruder in √sma's INF does NOT violate the No-Crossing Constraint — there is no root association sitting to its right to be crossed.
(13b)/(13c): without intrusion, the medial C-slot of √sam INF is
unfilled. Indices into amharicInf = [C, V, C, V, Cspec]: only
C2 is unfilled (C0 and C4 have associations, V1 and V3 aren't C-slots).
(13c): same medial-only unfilled-slot pattern for √hid INF.
(13b): the hypothetical [t]-intrusion derivation for √sam violates the No-Crossing Constraint — the intruder at C2 would cross the /m/ root association at C4. This is what blocks intrusion in (13b).
(13c): same NCC violation blocks intrusion in √hid INF.
The structural asymmetry behind [Fau26] (13) in one statement: among the three hollow-root INFs, the one where the non-consonantal radical is final (√sma, leaving the final C-slot empty) admits [t]-intrusion without violating NCC, while the two where the non-consonantal radical is medial (√sam, √hid, leaving the medial C-slot empty) do not — a hypothetical medial intruder would have to cross the final root association line.
The QaTaT–QaTa choice as an OT optimization, grounded in §3 #
The squib's analysis is implicitly an OT ranking argument: the grammar
chooses the candidate that satisfies *Misalignment over the candidate
that satisfies FILL. Sections 7–8 state this ranking via the joint
hebrew_klj_misalign_dominates_fill predicate; here we make it
explicit by building tableaux directly over the RootTemplateMatch
candidates defined in §3, using the starMisalign and fill
constraints from the template section above.
This is the "derive, don't stipulate" architecture: the OT verdicts
follow from the same isMisaligned and allCSlotsFilled predicates
that prove §3–§7, so any change to those predicates would propagate
into the tableau predictions automatically.
Two demonstrations:
- The empirical ranking *Misalign >> FILL selects [kala], the surface form. This is the prediction.
- The reversed ranking FILL >> *Misalign selects *[kalal], the form that is empirically ruled out. This shows that the ranking is doing real work — without *Misalignment dominating, the spreading candidate would win on template-satisfaction grounds.
The √klj candidate set: the spreading attempt and the empty-slot
actual surface form. Built as the RootTemplateMatch values from
§3 — no enum re-stipulation.
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The empirical ranking *Misalign >> FILL selects [kala]: the
surface form, with an unfilled template-final C-slot, wins because
*Misalignment outranks FILL. The verdict follows from the
isMisaligned/allCSlotsFilled computations on the RootTemplateMatch
values — no stipulated violation tables.
Reversed ranking FILL >> *Misalign predicts the spreading candidate *[kalal] — the form [Fau26] (4) explicitly argues against. The reversed-ranking demo shows that *Misalignment dominance is doing the empirical work; without it, template satisfaction would force the wrong winner.
Factorial typology over {*Misalign, FILL}: the two rankings yield two distinct optimal sets. This is the OT-typological statement of [Fau26]'s claim — the constraint set predicts exactly two languages, the attested Hebrew/Amharic pattern (kala- type, with empty C-slots tolerated) and a hypothetical mirror (kalal-type, where spreading wins).
The (3) three-way contrast as a tableau #
For √klt and √kll, no *Misalignment violation arises in any candidate,
so both surface forms (hebrewKlt_kalat, hebrewKll_kalal) are
unique winners under any ranking — the QaTaT–QaTa "puzzle" only bites
when the third radical is /j/.
(3a) [kalat] from √klt is the unique optimum because every C-slot is filled and *Misalignment is satisfied — both constraints have zero violations, so it wins under any ranking.
(3b) [kalal] from √kll likewise wins as the unique optimum: the legitimate final-of-final spreading satisfies *Misalignment AND fills the template. Same logic as (3a), but the empirical interest is that the surface form is identical to the ungrammatical *[kalal] derivation from √klj — only the underlying root index differs, and that's exactly what *Misalignment is sensitive to.
The Hebrew taQTiL intrusion case as a three-candidate tableau #
The taQTiL[+c] template admits three derivations for √dmj: the
illicit spreading (10a, hebrewDmj_illicit), the licit intrusion
(10b–c, hebrewDmj_tadmit), and the empty-slot fallback. We need to
construct the empty-slot candidate explicitly to populate the tableau.
Empty-slot candidate for √dmj + taQTiL[+c]: the prefix /t/ plus /d/ and /m/ at C2/C3, with the [+c] final C-slot unfilled. Hypothetical (not the empirical winner) — included to exhibit the full three-way comparison.
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The intrusion candidate [tadmit] is strictly better than both alternatives: it has 0 violations on *Misalign AND 0 violations on FILL. So under any ranking of these two constraints, [tadmit] wins. This is [Fau26]'s core analytical point about (10): intrusion lets the grammar "have it both ways".
And it wins under the reversed ranking too — because intrusion satisfies both constraints, the ranking between them is irrelevant once the intrusion candidate is in the candidate set.
The taQTiL factorial typology collapses to one language: when an intrusion strategy is in the candidate set, both rankings of {*Misalign, FILL} pick the same winner. The OT-typological statement that intrusion is "ranking-invariant" — exactly the sense in which [Fau26] (10b–c) makes intrusion the grammar's optimal escape from the misalignment dilemma.
Cross-paper bridge — n[+gen] licenses intrusion, Agr does not #
[Fau26] (11) attributes the nominal-only distribution of [t]-intrusion to a structural fact: the intruding /t/ is the exponent of the n[+gen] head in [Kra20]'s sense — gender is realized inherently on n, exposed as a sister bound root in [Low14]'s sense. In verbal forms the corresponding gender feature lives on a higher Agr head as contextual agreement, not as an inherent root-like exponent on v itself; consequently no intruder is morphosyntactically available to fill the templatic slot.
Sections 1–11 verify the prosodic side of the analysis (intrusion
satisfies the template without violating *Misalignment). This
section verifies the morphological side by formalizing the Faust
claim as a predicate on Kramer's CatHead:
Intrusion is licensed iff the categorizer is
nand carries a gender feature.
Once that predicate is in place, the verbal/nominal asymmetry is no
longer a docstring stipulation — it falls out by rfl from
RootTemplateMatch.intrusionLicensed applied to the per-template
CatHead tags, and breaks if either Faust's morphological claim or
Kramer's CatHead taxonomy changes.
The morphological-licensing predicate CatHead.licensesIntrusion
itself lives in Morphology/DM/Categorizer.lean (alongside
the Kramer taxonomy it ranges over), together with its per-canonical-
head verification theorems (n_uFem_licenses_intrusion,
v_plain_blocks_intrusion, etc.) and the iff characterization
Morphology.DM.licensesIntrusion_iff_n_and_gen. The Faust-specific
content of §12 is the per-template CatHead tagging and the
per-derivation verdicts below.
Per-template CatHead tags #
Faust's analysis assigns each templatic morphology slot to a specific categorizer head. These are the morphosyntactic claims; the intrusion-licensing predictions follow mechanically.
Hebrew PST.3MSG CaCaC[+c] is realized at v (verbal categorizer);
gender lives on the Agr head outside the template, so v itself
has no gender-bearing exponent to intrude.
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Hebrew passive participle CaCuC is also v-realized.
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Hebrew taQTiL[+c] is a feminine deverbal noun realized at n[+gen] (the u[+FEM] head in Kramer's Set 1 taxonomy — the source of the intruding /t/).
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Amharic PFV.3MSG CäC.CäC[+c] is v-realized.
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Amharic gerund CäC.C[+c]-o is a deverbal nominal at n[+gen].
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Amharic infinitive mä-CVCVC[+c] is also a deverbal nominal at
n[+gen] — confirmed by the (13a) [t]-intrusion in [mäsmat].
[Fau26]'s analysis treats Amharic infinitives as
nominalizations whose template is hosted on n.
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Universal licensing structure (Faust + Kramer) #
The Faust-CatHead interaction is governed by a single structural
fact, derivable by composing intrusionLicensed_iff
(the template section above) with licensesIntrusion_iff_n_and_gen
(Categorizer.lean). The per-derivation decide theorems below and the
end-of-section verbal_nominal_asymmetry_from_kramer bundle are all
instances of this universal claim.
The Faust+Kramer integration theorem. A RootTemplateMatch
passes intrusion-licensing under a CatHead iff either the match
is intruder-free OR the head is a gender-bearing nominal (n[+gen],
in [Kra20]'s sense).
This is the universal-quantification of [Fau26] (11): every per-derivation verdict in §12 reduces to checking which disjunct holds for the specific (match, head) pair.
Corollary (verbal half). Under a verbal locus (v_plain, with
no gender feature), licensing reduces to intruder-freeness. This is
why every verbal Faust derivation in §3–§6 must be intruder-free
to be morphologically licensed — the spreading and empty-slot
strategies are the only options open to v.
Corollary (nominal half). Under an n_uFem locus (gender-
bearing nominal), every match is licensed regardless of intruder
status. This is why intrusion is available to nominal templates
like Hebrew taQTiL and Amharic gerunds/INFs — the Kramer-2020
structure makes the n[+gen] exponent morphosyntactically present.
Per-derivation licensing theorems #
For every match, the predicate RootTemplateMatch.intrusionLicensed
applied to the corresponding template's CatHead.licensesIntrusion
gives the well-formedness verdict. The proofs are decide — the
disjunction reduces by rfl once the predicates evaluate.
Hebrew verbal forms (no intrusion possible) #
Hebrew nominal taQTiL (intrusion possible) #
The illicit-spreading derivation also passes intrusion-licensing (its prefix /t/ is an intruder, but n[+gen] licenses it). The derivation is ruled out by *Misalignment, not by the morphological licensing — a useful separation.
Amharic verbal vs nominal #
The verbal-intrusion blocking theorem #
The empirical content of [Fau26] (11) is negative: a verbal template cannot host an [t]-intruder, even when a phonological analog of intrusion would technically resolve a misalignment problem. Construct a hypothetical verbal candidate that tries to use intrusion — analogous to the licit nominal [tadmit] — and prove it fails morphological licensing.
Hypothetical: √dmj realized in the verbal PST.3MSG template
CaCaC[+c] with a feminine /t/ intruder occupying the [+c]
final slot. Phonologically identical to a nominal intrusion
candidate, but Agr-locus precludes the n[+gen] exponent
morphosyntactically.
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The hypothetical verbal-intrusion candidate has all C-slots filled and is not misaligned: it satisfies the prosodic well-formedness conditions [Fau26] states.
But under [Fau26]'s morphological-licensing predicate, it fails: v-locus does not license n[+gen]'s /t/ exponent.
The cross-paper integration theorem #
The verbal/nominal asymmetry of [Fau26] (11), derived
from [Kra20]'s CatHead taxonomy:
Intrusion is licensed at n[+gen] (here
n_uFem). Both Hebrew taQTiL [tadmit] and the hypothetical verbal-template intrusionhebrewDmj_pst3msg_intrusionwould pass intrusion-licensing if the locus were n[+gen]. The first derivation IS at n[+gen]; the second is not.Intrusion is blocked at v. The hypothetical verbal intrusion candidate, despite satisfying the template, fails intrusion-licensing because v doesn't expose a gender exponent.
Intruder-free verbal derivations always pass licensing. Every verbal candidate in §3–§6 (kala, kalal, kalat, kaluj, fdj_pfv, wd_pfv) is intruder-free, so it passes vacuously.
The asymmetry is therefore derived — not stipulated — from the
composition of two independent claims: Faust's licensing
predicate (only n with [+gen]) and Kramer's CatHead structure
(n vs. v).