Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Dayal2025

Dayal (2025): Three-layer cartography for clause-typing #

[Day25] [McC06] [Zu18] [BD20]

Veneeta Dayal (2025), Linguistic Inquiry 56(4):663–712, develops the three-layer split [SAP [PerspP [CP ...]]] of the interrogative left periphery and derives cross-linguistic clause-typing variation, the responsive/rogative split, and McCloskey-style quasi-subordination from it.

Main declarations #

Implementation notes #

Rival analyses of the same facts: Rizzi-style Force⁰[+Q] typing lives in Syntax/Minimalist/Questions.lean, Holmberg's PolP locus in Studies/Holmberg2016.lean, and the Speas–Tenny seat-of-knowledge matrix in Studies/SpeasTenny2003.lean. Both Dayal and Speas–Tenny predict the Newari conjunct/disjunct flip (§5.2, via [Zu18]), which the paper reads as matrix perspective shift only, leaving open whether PerspP is Zu's SentienceP.

Clause-typing typology #

Two orthogonal parameters govern polar-question syntax (§§4.3–4.4): a polar wh-complementizer licenses simplex-polar subordination, and delayed clause-typing admits neutral rising declaratives. English and Italian share the first but differ on the second, so the two must not be collapsed.

A language's clause-typing profile for polar questions.

  • hasPolarComplementizer : Bool

    Has a dedicated polar wh-complementizer (English whether, Italian se; Hindi-Urdu has none).

  • delayedTyping : Bool

    Clause-typing may be delayed past C to PerspP (ex. 66); forced-early languages type at C immediately.

Instances For
    def Dayal2025.instDecidableEqClauseTyping.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ClauseTyping) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        Per-language polar-question syntax: simplex-polar distribution and neutral rising declaratives. A simplex polar is the nucleus alone (p? rather than p or not (p)?).

        • language : String
        • typing : ClauseTyping
        • matrixOk : Bool

          Simplex polar in matrix position?

        • quasiSubOk : Bool

          Simplex polar in quasi-subordination?

        • subordinationOk : Bool

          Simplex polar in subordination?

        • neutralDeclOk : Bool

          Can a rising declarative be a neutral (unbiased) question?

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          def Dayal2025.instDecidableEqPolarSyntaxDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : PolarSyntaxDatum) :
          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  Hindi-Urdu: no wh-complementizer, so simplex polars cannot be subordinated (ex. 70–71); typing is delayed, so rising declaratives can be neutral.

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                    Simplex-polar subordination tracks the complementizer parameter (§4.4).

                    Neutral rising declaratives track the delayed-typing parameter (§4.3, ex. 63b).

                    Hindi-Urdu shiftiness (§3.2, ex. 39–41) #

                    Hindi-Urdu kya: under attitude predicates patterns with McCloskey's English embedded inversion: blocked under a bare responsive, licensed under negation or questioning.

                    Cross-linguistic shiftiness data.

                    • language : String
                    • verb : String
                    • sentence : String
                    • negated : Bool
                    • questioned : Bool
                    • quasiSubOk : Bool
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                          Hindi-Urdu: "want to know" (rogative) freely takes kya: (ex. 39a).

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                            Hindi-Urdu: bare "know" (responsive) rejects kya: (ex. 39b).

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                              Hindi-Urdu: "nobody knows" + kya: → OK (negation, ex. 41a).

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                                Hindi-Urdu: "does anyone know" + kya: → OK (questioning, ex. 41b).

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                                  English: bare responsive remember rejects embedded inversion ([McC06]).

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                                  • Dayal2025.remember_bare = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "*I remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := false, questioned := false, quasiSubOk := false }
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                                    English: negated remember licenses embedded inversion — McCloskey's judgment is marginal ("?"), encoded here as licensed.

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                                    • Dayal2025.remember_negated = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "?I don't remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := true, questioned := false, quasiSubOk := true }
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                                      English: questioned remember licenses embedded inversion ([McC06]).

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                                      • Dayal2025.remember_questioned = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "Does Sue remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := false, questioned := true, quasiSubOk := true }
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                                        Verification against empirical embedding data #

                                        The SelectionClass apparatus checked against the paper's §1.2 classification of English attitude predicates: rogatives split three ways by the largest structure they take (CP / PerspP / SAP); responsives and uninterrogatives take none of the larger structures.

                                        Embedding judgment for an English attitude predicate (§1.2).

                                        • verb : String
                                        • subordination : Bool

                                          "V whether/who..."

                                        • quasiSubordination : Bool

                                          "V [did S leave↑]" (embedded inversion + matrix intonation)

                                        • quotation : Bool

                                          'V, "Did S leave?"'

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                                          def Dayal2025.instDecidableEqEmbeddingDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : EmbeddingDatum) :
                                          Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                • Dayal2025.depend_on_d = { verb := "depend on", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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                                                  • Dayal2025.wonder_d = { verb := "wonder", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := true, quotation := false }
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                                                    • Dayal2025.ask_d = { verb := "ask", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := true, quotation := true }
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                                                      • Dayal2025.know_d = { verb := "know", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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                                                        Predicate of Relevance: responsive but resists question-to-proposition reduction ([EKSU17]). The reduction-resistance is a separate property — see Elliott2017.

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                                                        • Dayal2025.care_d = { verb := "care", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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                                                          Predicate of Relevance ([EKSU17]).

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                                                          • Dayal2025.matter_d = { verb := "matter", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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                                                            • Dayal2025.believe_d = { verb := "believe", subordination := false, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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                                                              Quasi-subordination implies subordination: the §1.2 classification is cumulative — each larger-structure class also takes the smaller ones.

                                                              Quotation implies quasi-subordination among the interrogative-selecting predicates sampled here (per §1.2; say takes interrogative quotations without quasi-subordinating, but is not interrogative-selecting).

                                                              The substrate classifier extended with [EKSU17]'s predicates of relevance (care, matter), which classify as responsive.

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                                                                Cross-linguistic predictions #

                                                                Hindi-Urdu shiftiness follows the same derivation as English: responsive predicates reject quasi-sub in bare form, allow it under negation/questioning.

                                                                The three-layer classifier for question particles #

                                                                A question particle's left-peripheral layer is read off its embedding distribution (§1.3); the four representative assignments:

                                                                LayerLanguageParticleDistribution
                                                                CPJapanesekamatrix + subord + QS
                                                                PerspPHindi-Urdukya:matrix + QS, no sub
                                                                SAPJapanesekkematrix + quotation
                                                                SAPEnglishquick(ly)matrix + quotation

                                                                [BD20]'s ForceP location for kya: is recast here as PerspP (a terminological change by the paper's own fn. 3).

                                                                A question particle's layer, read off its embedding distribution. Defined for question particles only — Japanese koto (a declarative complementizer, the ka contrast of ex. 15) is outside the intended domain.

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                                                                  The classifier's intended domain: the question particles this study classifies. Membership is a claim about what the particle does (question-forming), not about its distribution.

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                                                                    The four representative layer assignments, derived from the fragments' embedding facets: ka CP, kya: PerspP (recasting [BD20]'s ForceP), kke SAP ([SY17]), quick SAP (ex. 18–19).

                                                                    theorem Dayal2025.qParticles_layered (p : Particle) :
                                                                    p qParticles(layerOf p).isSome = true

                                                                    Every particle in the classifier's domain receives a layer.

                                                                    Q-particle embedding follows from which left-peripheral layer they occupy: CP-layer particles are licensed in subordination, PerspP- and SAP-layer particles are not, and SAP-layer particles are excluded even from quasi-subordination. Stated over layerOf, which derives the layer from the embedding facet, so this is the kernel-checked converse guarantee for the study's particle sample.