Dayal (2025): Three-layer cartography for clause-typing #
Veneeta Dayal (2025), Linguistic Inquiry 56(4):663–712, develops the
three-layer split [SAP [PerspP [CP ...]]] of the interrogative left
periphery and derives cross-linguistic clause-typing variation, the
responsive/rogative split, and McCloskey-style quasi-subordination from it.
Main declarations #
ClauseTyping: the two orthogonal clause-typing parameters (§§4.3–4.4), polar wh-complementizer and delayed typing.simplex_subordination_matches_complementizer,neutral_decl_matches_delay: the per-parameter typological projections over the English/Italian/Hindi-Urdu sample.cross_linguistic_shiftiness_predicted: Hindi-Urdu kya: shiftiness (§3.2) derived by the sameallowsQuasiSubaccount as McCloskey's English data.theory_predicts_embedding: theSelectionClassapparatus checked against the §1.2 English embedding judgments.layerOf,layers_derived,particle_layer_predicts_embedding: the CP / PerspP / SAP particle classifier (§1.3), read off embedding distribution.
Implementation notes #
Rival analyses of the same facts: Rizzi-style Force⁰[+Q] typing lives in
Syntax/Minimalist/Questions.lean, Holmberg's PolP locus in
Studies/Holmberg2016.lean, and the Speas–Tenny seat-of-knowledge matrix
in Studies/SpeasTenny2003.lean. Both Dayal and Speas–Tenny predict the
Newari conjunct/disjunct flip (§5.2, via [Zu18]), which the paper reads
as matrix perspective shift only, leaving open whether PerspP is Zu's
SentienceP.
Clause-typing typology #
Two orthogonal parameters govern polar-question syntax (§§4.3–4.4): a polar wh-complementizer licenses simplex-polar subordination, and delayed clause-typing admits neutral rising declaratives. English and Italian share the first but differ on the second, so the two must not be collapsed.
A language's clause-typing profile for polar questions.
- hasPolarComplementizer : Bool
Has a dedicated polar wh-complementizer (English whether, Italian se; Hindi-Urdu has none).
- delayedTyping : Bool
Clause-typing may be delayed past C to PerspP (ex. 66); forced-early languages type at C immediately.
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- Dayal2025.instReprClauseTyping = { reprPrec := Dayal2025.instReprClauseTyping.repr }
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Per-language polar-question syntax: simplex-polar distribution and neutral rising declaratives. A simplex polar is the nucleus alone (p? rather than p or not (p)?).
- language : String
- typing : ClauseTyping
- matrixOk : Bool
Simplex polar in matrix position?
- quasiSubOk : Bool
Simplex polar in quasi-subordination?
- subordinationOk : Bool
Simplex polar in subordination?
- neutralDeclOk : Bool
Can a rising declarative be a neutral (unbiased) question?
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- Dayal2025.instReprPolarSyntaxDatum = { reprPrec := Dayal2025.instReprPolarSyntaxDatum.repr }
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Hindi-Urdu: no wh-complementizer, so simplex polars cannot be subordinated (ex. 70–71); typing is delayed, so rising declaratives can be neutral.
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Simplex-polar subordination tracks the complementizer parameter (§4.4).
Neutral rising declaratives track the delayed-typing parameter (§4.3, ex. 63b).
Hindi-Urdu shiftiness (§3.2, ex. 39–41) #
Hindi-Urdu kya: under attitude predicates patterns with McCloskey's English embedded inversion: blocked under a bare responsive, licensed under negation or questioning.
Cross-linguistic shiftiness data.
- language : String
- verb : String
- sentence : String
- negated : Bool
- questioned : Bool
- quasiSubOk : Bool
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Hindi-Urdu: "want to know" (rogative) freely takes kya: (ex. 39a).
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Hindi-Urdu: bare "know" (responsive) rejects kya: (ex. 39b).
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Hindi-Urdu: "nobody knows" + kya: → OK (negation, ex. 41a).
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Hindi-Urdu: "does anyone know" + kya: → OK (questioning, ex. 41b).
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English: bare responsive remember rejects embedded inversion ([McC06]).
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- Dayal2025.remember_bare = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "*I remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := false, questioned := false, quasiSubOk := false }
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English: negated remember licenses embedded inversion — McCloskey's judgment is marginal ("?"), encoded here as licensed.
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- Dayal2025.remember_negated = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "?I don't remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := true, questioned := false, quasiSubOk := true }
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English: questioned remember licenses embedded inversion ([McC06]).
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- Dayal2025.remember_questioned = { language := "English", verb := "remember", sentence := "Does Sue remember [was Henry a communist↑]", negated := false, questioned := true, quasiSubOk := true }
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Verification against empirical embedding data #
The SelectionClass apparatus checked against the paper's §1.2
classification of English attitude predicates: rogatives split three ways
by the largest structure they take (CP / PerspP / SAP); responsives and
uninterrogatives take none of the larger structures.
Embedding judgment for an English attitude predicate (§1.2).
- verb : String
- subordination : Bool
"V whether/who..."
- quasiSubordination : Bool
"V [did S leave↑]" (embedded inversion + matrix intonation)
- quotation : Bool
'V, "Did S leave?"'
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- Dayal2025.instReprEmbeddingDatum = { reprPrec := Dayal2025.instReprEmbeddingDatum.repr }
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- Dayal2025.investigate_d = { verb := "investigate", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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- Dayal2025.depend_on_d = { verb := "depend on", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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- Dayal2025.wonder_d = { verb := "wonder", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := true, quotation := false }
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- Dayal2025.ask_d = { verb := "ask", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := true, quotation := true }
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- Dayal2025.know_d = { verb := "know", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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Predicate of Relevance: responsive but resists question-to-proposition
reduction ([EKSU17]). The reduction-resistance is a separate
property — see Elliott2017.
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- Dayal2025.care_d = { verb := "care", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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Predicate of Relevance ([EKSU17]).
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- Dayal2025.matter_d = { verb := "matter", subordination := true, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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- Dayal2025.believe_d = { verb := "believe", subordination := false, quasiSubordination := false, quotation := false }
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Quasi-subordination implies subordination: the §1.2 classification is cumulative — each larger-structure class also takes the smaller ones.
Quotation implies quasi-subordination among the interrogative-selecting predicates sampled here (per §1.2; say takes interrogative quotations without quasi-subordinating, but is not interrogative-selecting).
The substrate classifier extended with [EKSU17]'s predicates of relevance (care, matter), which classify as responsive.
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The theory correctly predicts all embedding judgments from the data.
Shiftiness predictions match McCloskey's data for remember (responsive).
Cross-linguistic predictions #
Hindi-Urdu shiftiness follows the same derivation as English: responsive predicates reject quasi-sub in bare form, allow it under negation/questioning.
The three-layer classifier for question particles #
A question particle's left-peripheral layer is read off its embedding distribution (§1.3); the four representative assignments:
| Layer | Language | Particle | Distribution |
|---|---|---|---|
| CP | Japanese | ka | matrix + subord + QS |
| PerspP | Hindi-Urdu | kya: | matrix + QS, no sub |
| SAP | Japanese | kke | matrix + quotation |
| SAP | English | quick(ly) | matrix + quotation |
[BD20]'s ForceP location for kya: is recast here as PerspP (a terminological change by the paper's own fn. 3).
A question particle's layer, read off its embedding distribution. Defined for question particles only — Japanese koto (a declarative complementizer, the ka contrast of ex. 15) is outside the intended domain.
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The classifier's intended domain: the question particles this study classifies. Membership is a claim about what the particle does (question-forming), not about its distribution.
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The four representative layer assignments, derived from the fragments' embedding facets: ka CP, kya: PerspP (recasting [BD20]'s ForceP), kke SAP ([SY17]), quick SAP (ex. 18–19).
Every particle in the classifier's domain receives a layer.
Q-particle embedding follows from which left-peripheral layer they occupy:
CP-layer particles are licensed in subordination, PerspP- and SAP-layer
particles are not, and SAP-layer particles are excluded even from
quasi-subordination. Stated over layerOf, which derives the layer from
the embedding facet, so this is the kernel-checked converse guarantee for
the study's particle sample.