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Linglib.Studies.BhattDayal2020

Bhatt & Dayal (2020): the polar question particle kya: #

[BD20]

Hindi-Urdu polar kya: is a polar question particle (PQP) — a class distinct from clause-typing Q-morphemes like Japanese ka: it occurs only in polar questions (not in wh-questions), sits in a projection above CP the paper labels ForceP, and embeds only in the quasi-subordinated configuration of [DG09] (complements of rogatives), not in ordinary subordination. Semantically kya: presupposes that its sister question has a singleton alternative set (eq. 23) and is otherwise the identity; a polar question denotes the singleton {p} (eq. 22b). The same singleton restriction models the (bias-introducing) Mandarin particle nandao in [Xu12a] (cross-linguistic picture in [Xu17]), which the paper draws on.

The singleton-alternative presupposition (eq. 23) #

⟦kya:⟧ = λQ⟨st⟩t : ∃p ∈ Q[∀q[q ∈ Q → q = p]].Q — defined only when the sister question Q has a singleton alternative set, and then the identity on Q. The presupposition is Question.IsSingleton; the felicitous sister is the subtype SingletonQuestion W. In the paper a polar question denotes a singleton (eq. 22b: ⟦did John leave⟧ = {John left}) — the substrate's one-cell ofSet p, not its two-cell Hamblin polar.

Felicitous case: a polar question in the paper's sense is a singleton.

Defined case: on a felicitous sister, kya: is the identity.

theorem BhattDayal2020.kya_infelicitous_wh {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {D : Set E} {P : ESet W} (hD : D.Nonempty) (hne : eD, (P e).Nonempty) (hA : IsAntichain (fun (x1 x2 : Set W) => x1x2) (P '' D)) {e₁ e₂ : E} (h₁ : e₁ D) (h₂ : e₂ D) (hPne : P e₁ P e₂) :

The headline restriction (ex. 4): a wh-question with two distinct answer cells is non-singleton, so kya: rejects it.

theorem BhattDayal2020.kya_infelicitous_two_cell_polar {W : Type u_1} {p : Set W} (hne : p ) (hnu : p Set.univ) :

A two-cell Hamblin polar likewise fails the presupposition.

Embedding: quasi-subordination only #

kya: appears in matrix polar questions and in the quasi-subordinated configuration of [DG09] (complements of rogatives, ex. 9) but not in ordinary subordination (complements of responsives, ex. 8) — read off the fragment's embedding facet.