Homogeneity: plural predication #
A plural predication has many readings, one for each choice of the parts of the plurality that
count as close enough to it, as Križ and Spector propose. For every upper set U containing the
plurality x, the predicate is read as holding of some non-bottom part of x in U. The
readings run from the universal one, where U holds only what lies above x, to the
existential one, where U holds everything. A sentence is therefore true on all of its readings
when the predicate holds of x and false on all of them when it holds of no part of x. The
readings are closed under union, and under intersection when the predicate is cumulative; for a
distributive predicate they are exactly the lattice generated by the predications of the atoms
of x, with the universal reading at the bottom and the existential one at the top. On a
distributive predicate this is Križ's trivalent plural barePlural, supervaluation over the
atoms, and allPlural removes its gap, which is the contribution of all.
Main definitions #
readings Q x: the readings of predicatingQof the pluralityx.barePlural,allPlural: the bare plural sentence and the all-sentence.
Main results #
sInter_readings,sUnion_readings: true on every reading iff true of the whole, and on some reading iff true of some part.readings_eq_latticeClosure: the readings of a distributive predication are the lattice generated by the predications of the atoms.barePlural_eq_one_iff,barePlural_eq_neg_one_iff: the bare plural is true where every reading of the distributive predicate is, and false where none is.allPlural_prevents_nonmax: all forces literal truth and blocks non-maximal use.
Implementation notes #
The readings are indexed by upper sets of the whole order, not by sets of parts of x, since only
the trace of U on the parts of x matters. Križ and Spector's convex candidate domains,
Haslinger and colleagues' tolerance relations and Bar-Lev's subdomain alternatives are all
choices of U; the subdomain alternatives are the closure of the atoms under disjunction, a
supClosure inside the latticeClosure of the readings. Bottom elements are not parts, so that
the vacuous truth of a distributive predicate at the empty plurality yields no reading.
References #
The readings of a plural predication #
The readings of predicating Q of x ([KS21b]'s (21)) say, for each upper set
U containing x, that some non-bottom part of x in U is Q.
Equations
- Homogeneity.readings Q x = {p : Set W | ∃ (U : UpperSet α), x ∈ U ∧ p = {w : W | ∃ z ∈ U, z ≤ x ∧ ¬IsBot z ∧ w ∈ Q z}}
Instances For
True on every reading is true of the whole.
True on some reading is true of some non-bottom part.
An atom has a single reading, since nothing short of it is a part.
The union of two readings is the reading of the union of their upper sets.
For a cumulative predicate the intersection of two readings is the reading of the
intersection of their upper sets, since the sum of two parts that are Q is Q.
The readings of a distributive predication are the lattice generated by the predications of the atoms, each reading being a union of conjunctions of atomic predications and every such combination a reading.
The bare plural and all #
The bare plural sentence "the Xs are P" as a trivalent sentence.
Equations
- Homogeneity.barePlural P x w = SignType.supervaluation x fun (x : Atom) => P x w
Instances For
The all-sentence "all the Xs are P" asserts the bare plural pointwise. Per [Kri16] §3.1, all's semantic contribution is gap removal, so its semantics is derived from the bare plural rather than stipulated.
Equations
- Homogeneity.allPlural P x w = SignType.ofProp (Homogeneity.barePlural P x w = 1)
Instances For
all eliminates the extension gap.
The bare plural and the all-sentence are true in the same worlds.
all absorbs the gap into the negative extension.
all-sentences are bivalent.
bivalentPred of an all-sentence is true iff all atoms satisfy P.
If an all-sentence is usable at w, all atoms satisfy P at w, since bivalence turns
usability's not-false clause into literal truth.
An all-sentence cannot address a "wide" issue — one with a cell straddling the all/not-all boundary ([Kri16] §3.4).
A usable all-sentence leaves no exceptions to mention — "#Although all
the professors smiled, Smith didn't" is contradictory. The bare-plural
unmentionability result proper ([Kri16] §4.1) is
exception_unaddressable.
The bare plural is true where every reading of the distributive predicate is.
The bare plural is false where no reading of the distributive predicate is true.