Documentation

Studies.Kriz2016

Križ (2016): Homogeneity, Non-Maximality, and All #

Križ accounts for the non-maximal readings of definite plurals. The professors smiled is neither true nor false when some but not all of them smiled, and the sentence is nonetheless usable there whenever the current issue does not distinguish that situation from one in which all smiled; all removes the gap and with it the non-maximal reading. A five-world model of three professors runs the account end to end on the library's homogeneity substrate (barePlural, allPlural, both originating with this paper): the non-maximal use under a coarse issue and its absence under a fine one, the unusability of the all-sentence at any gap world, the unmentionability of exceptions (smith_exception_unaddressable), and the paper's prediction that what an exception does instead matters, since a visibly angry Smith falls into a different cell of the coarse issue than a neutral one (bare_usable_neutral_not_angry). Conjunctions of names, modelled as plurals over their conjuncts, are predicted to allow non-maximal readings they rarely have (conj_modeled_as_plural_predicts_nonmax), which the paper answers with an accommodated finer issue. For collective predicates §5.1 generalises the gap by overlap: a predicate is undefined of a plurality that fails it but overlaps one that satisfies it, which on a distributive predicate is supervaluation over the atoms (generalisedTruthValue_distributive).

Implementation notes #

References #

Finite model #

Three professors attend Sue's talk; the predicate is "smiled".

WorldSmithJonesLeeBare pluralAll
allSmiled✓✓✓TRUEtrue
smithNeutral✗✓✓GAPfalse
smithAngry✗✓✓GAPfalse
onlyLeeSmiled✗✗✓GAPfalse
noneSmiled✗✗✗FALSEfalse

smithNeutral and smithAngry agree on who smiled but differ in what Smith does instead, which the coarse QUD ("Was the talk well-received?") is sensitive to (§4.2); the fine QUD ("Did every professor smile?") separates all worlds.

Worlds of the five-world model. In both smithNeutral and smithAngry Smith fails to smile; the worlds differ in whether his demeanour is relevant to the coarse issue (§4.2).

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    def Kriz2016.instReprProfWorld.repr :
    ProfWorld → ℕ → Std.Format
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      inductive Kriz2016.Prof :
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        instance Kriz2016.instDecidableEqProf :
        DecidableEq Prof
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        def Kriz2016.instReprProf.repr :
        Prof → ℕ → Std.Format
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          instance Kriz2016.instFintypeProf :
          Fintype Prof
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          instance Kriz2016.smiled.instDecidable (p : Prof) (w : ProfWorld) :
          Decidable (smiled p w)
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          def Kriz2016.profs :
          Finset Prof

          All three professors.

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            Reception grades for the coarse QUD — Smith's anger pulls reception down to mixed, his neutrality leaves it positive (§4.2).

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              The coarse QUD asks "Was Sue's talk well-received?".

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                @[reducible, inline]
                abbrev Kriz2016.fineQ :
                Setoid ProfWorld

                The fine QUD asks "Did every professor smile?".

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                  Trivalent values at each world #

                  End-to-end predictions #

                  The bare plural is usable at smithNeutral under the coarse QUD, the non-maximal reading.

                  The all-sentence is not usable at smithNeutral under any QUD.

                  Wherever the all-sentence is usable, Smith smiled.

                  Unmentionability of exceptions (§4.1) #

                  "#The professors smiled, but one of them didn't" is infelicitous even where the non-maximal reading is licensed — the paper's (25a-b), with the although diagnostic traced to [Kro74] via [Las99]. The derivation is pure Addressing (the substrate's exception_unaddressable): non-maximal use requires a cell containing both a true-world and the gap-world, and the exception-mentioning continuation straddles it.

                  "Smith didn't smile", the exception-mentioning continuation.

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                    Under the coarse issue licensing the non-maximal use at smithNeutral, "…but Smith didn't" cannot address the issue (§4.1).

                    What exceptions do (§4.2) #

                    Whether an exception is tolerated depends on what it does instead: Smith looking neutral is irrelevant to reception, Smith looking angry is not. The model places smithNeutral and smithAngry in different coarseQ cells, so the same sentence under the same QUD is usable at one gap-world and not the other — a contrast unavailable to accounts without an issue parameter (restricted reference, alternative geometry).

                    The bare plural is not usable at smithAngry under the coarse QUD, since smithAngry shares its cell with onlyLeeSmiled and neither is in the positive extension.

                    The same sentence under the same QUD is usable at one gap-world and not at the other, the contrast of §4.2.

                    Conjunction overgeneration (§6.2) #

                    Conjunctions of proper names are homogeneous ([SH04], [Mag14]) yet generally resist non-maximal readings. Modelled as a plural over its conjunct atoms, the machinery predicts non-maximal use at a gap-world (conj_modeled_as_plural_predicts_nonmax); the paper's informal response is that mentioning an individual prompts accommodation of a finer issue on which no non-maximal reading survives, an accommodation step not formalized here or in the paper.

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                      def Kriz2016.instReprConjAtom.repr :
                      ConjAtom → ℕ → Std.Format
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                          @[instance_reducible]
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                          def Kriz2016.instReprConjWorld.repr :
                          ConjWorld → ℕ → Std.Format
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                            @[instance_reducible]
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                            instance Kriz2016.wentThere.instDecidable (a : ConjAtom) (w : ConjWorld) :
                            Decidable (wentThere a w)
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                              Cells of the coarse "did anyone go?" issue.

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                                  Modelled as a plural over {Bert, Claire, Dora}, the conjunction is predicted usable at the gap-world dorasMissing under the coarse issue — the overgenerated non-maximal reading.

                                  Generalised homogeneity (§5.1) #

                                  def Kriz2016.generalisedTruthValue {Atom : Type u_1} [DecidableEq Atom] (P : Finset Atom → Prop) [DecidablePred P] (domain : Finset (Finset Atom)) (a : Finset Atom) :
                                  SignType

                                  The generalised truth value of §5.1 is true where P holds of a, undefined where a fails P but overlaps a plurality of domain that satisfies it, and false otherwise.

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                                    theorem Kriz2016.generalisedTruthValue_distributive {Atom : Type u_1} [DecidableEq Atom] (pred : Atom → Prop) [DecidablePred pred] {a : Finset Atom} (hne : a.Nonempty) {domain : Finset (Finset Atom)} (hdomain : ∀ x ∈ a, {x} ∈ domain) :
                                    generalisedTruthValue (fun (s : Finset Atom) => ∀ x ∈ s, pred x) domain a = SignType.supervaluation a pred

                                    On a distributive predicate the generalised value is supervaluation over the atoms, given a domain that contains every atom.