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Linglib.Phenomena.Gender.Studies.Kramer2020

Kramer 2020: Grammatical Gender — A Close Look at Gender Assignment #

@cite{kramer-2020} @cite{kramer-2015} @cite{corbett-1991} @cite{harris-1991}

Formalizes the core contributions of @cite{kramer-2020}, a review article that sharpens and extends @cite{kramer-2015}'s structural approach to gender assignment. Three main results:

  1. The Semantic Core Generalization (ex. 2/28): every language with grammatical gender assigns gender semantically to at least some nouns, based on animacy, humanness, and/or social gender/biological sex.

  2. Lexical vs structural gender assignment (§3): a comparison of @cite{harris-1991}'s lexical rules with @cite{kramer-2015}'s structural n-based approach, identifying three phenomena that differentiate them: phonological assignment (§3.3.1), hybrid nouns (§3.3.2), and the Semantic Core (§3.3.3).

  3. Cross-linguistic variation in arbitrary assignment (Table 2): remainder nouns vary along two dimensions — same vs different gender(s), recycled vs novel vs both.

Integration #

The typological SemanticBasis and the DM GenderDimension describe the same underlying distinction from different perspectives: typology asks what semantic property organizes the system, while DM asks what binary feature sits on n. @cite{kramer-2020} makes this connection explicit by analyzing sex-based systems as [±FEM] or [±MASC], and animacy-based systems as [±ANIM].

The mapping is partial in two ways:

  1. SemanticBasis.shape and .rationality have no standard DM feature dimension (no [±SHAPE] or [±RATIONAL] in the literature).

  2. SemanticBasis.humanness maps to .anim because @cite{kramer-2015} does not posit a [±HUMAN] dimension — the closest is [±ANIM]. This is a limitation of the current DM feature inventory, not a claim that humanness is a subset of animacy (e.g. Akɔɔse distinguishes human vs nonhuman, which is orthogonal to animate vs inanimate).

Whether a SemanticBasis falls within the semantic core.

@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 3 identifies three core properties; shape and rationality are additional semantic bases (§2.2.1) that go beyond the core but never constitute the only basis for a gender system.

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    The Semantic Core Generalization: a gender profile satisfies it iff it either has no gender system, or at least one of its semantic bases falls within the core {animacy, humanness, social gender/sex}.

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      Map a typological semantic basis to its corresponding DM gender dimension, when one exists. (@cite{kramer-2020} §3)

      The .humanness.anim mapping reflects a gap in @cite{kramer-2015}'s feature inventory: no [±HUMAN] dimension is posited, so humanness-based systems are approximated by [±ANIM].

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        Semantic Core Generalization (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 2/28): every language in the sample satisfies the semantic core.

        No language has gender without at least one core semantic basis.

        Whether remainder nouns use recycled genders, novel genders, or both. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2)

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            How remainder nouns (those not assigned gender by the semantic core) are distributed across genders (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2).

            Two independent parameters:

            1. Are all remainder nouns in the same gender, or spread across genders?
            2. Is the remainder gender recycled, novel, or a mix of both?
            • sameGender : Bool

              Are all remainder nouns assigned to a single gender?

            • genderSource : RemainderGenderSource

              Source of the remainder gender(s).

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                  Dieri (Pama-Nyungan): all remainder nouns are masculine (= same gender used for male humans). Same gender, recycled. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2)

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                    Tamil (Dravidian): remainder nouns go to neuter — a novel gender not used for the male/female semantic core. Same gender, novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Asher 1982)

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                      Spanish: remainder nouns are split arbitrarily across masculine and feminine — both recycled genders. Different genders, recycled. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 1, Table 2; @cite{harris-1991})

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                        Akɔɔse (Niger-Congo: Bantu): remainder nouns spread across at least 7 noun classes — novel genders. Different genders, novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Hedinger 2008)

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                          Blackfoot (Algic: Algonquian): inanimate nouns are assigned either a novel inanimate gender or a recycled animate gender. Different genders, both recycled and novel. (@cite{kramer-2020} Table 2; Frantz 2017)

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                            All five attested cells of Table 2 are distinct patterns.

                            @cite{kramer-2020} §3.2 contrasts two theoretical approaches:

                            Lexical (@cite{harris-1991}): gender assigned via lexical rules that map semantic features (e.g. [FEMALE]) to grammatical gender features (e.g. [F]). Each noun is listed with its gender feature in the lexicon. Gender is a property of the lexical entry.

                            Structural (@cite{kramer-2015}): gender is a phi-feature on the categorizing head n. A root combines with an n bearing gender features via syntactic Merge. Gender is a property of the syntactic structure.

                            Three phenomena differentiate them (§3.3):

                            1. Phonological gender assignment
                            2. Hybrid nouns (e.g. Russian vrač)
                            3. The Semantic Core Generalization

                            A lexical gender rule: maps a semantic feature to a grammatical gender feature in a specified context. (@cite{harris-1991})

                            The semanticBasis identifies which semantic property triggers the rule; targetDimension identifies which DM gender dimension is assigned; context describes the conditioning environment.

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                                  Harris's Human Gender rule for Spanish: [FEMALE] → [F] / __ [HUMAN] The semantic feature [FEMALE] triggers assignment of the grammatical gender feature [F] (feminine) in the context of [HUMAN] nouns. (@cite{harris-1991}; @cite{kramer-2020} ex. 23)

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                                    Harris's rule connects two core semantic bases: assignment is triggered by social gender/sex and conditioned on humanness.

                                    The status of a diagnostic phenomenon for a theoretical approach. @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3 argues that some phenomena are genuinely diagnostic while others are inconclusive.

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                                        A gender assignment approach, characterized by how it handles each of the three diagnostic phenomena from §3.3.

                                        • phonologicalAssignment : DiagnosticStatus

                                          §3.3.1: phonological gender assignment

                                        • hybridAgreement : DiagnosticStatus

                                          §3.3.2: hybrid nouns (simultaneous dual agreement)

                                        • predictsSemanticCore : DiagnosticStatus

                                          §3.3.3: the Semantic Core Generalization

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                                              The lexical approach (@cite{harris-1991}).

                                              • Phonological assignment: handled (lexical rules can reference phonology), but @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.1 argues the phenomenon may not exist — Hausa -ā is morphophonological realization, not assignment.
                                              • Hybrid agreement: problematic — a lexical entry has one gender feature; a single entry cannot be both [M] and [F] (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)
                                              • Semantic Core: problematic — nothing prevents a language from having only arbitrary gender rules without any semantic connection (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)
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                                                The structural approach (@cite{kramer-2015}).

                                                • Phonological assignment: inconclusive — syntax cannot see phonology, but @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.1 argues the phenomenon is better analyzed as morphophonological realization of a gender feature on n, so the structural approach is not genuinely challenged.
                                                • Hybrid agreement: handled — a root can combine with different n heads, or a social-gender projection can override morphosyntactic gender (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)
                                                • Semantic Core: handled — via the Thesis of Radical Interpretability: if a language has gender features, at least some must be interpretable, which forces semantic assignment for at least some nouns (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)
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                                                  The structural approach handles 2 of the 3 diagnostic phenomena; the lexical approach handles 1. Phonological assignment is inconclusive for both (the structural approach because syntax can't see phonology; the lexical approach because Kramer argues the phenomenon doesn't exist as described). This is the basis for @cite{kramer-2020} §3.4's conclusion that "structural gender assignment has a slight edge."

                                                  Radical Interpretability (Brody 1997; Pesetsky & Torrego 2001, 2007): each syntactic feature must receive a semantic interpretation in some syntactic location.

                                                  In formal terms: if a feature F has an uninterpretable instantiation in a language, then F also has an interpretable instantiation in that language. The converse need not hold.

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                                                    Amharic's n types satisfy Radical Interpretability: the uninterpretable u[+FEM] is accompanied by interpretable i[+FEM] and i[−FEM] in the same dimension.

                                                    theorem Phenomena.Gender.Studies.Kramer2020.no_purely_arbitrary_under_ri (features : List Morphology.DM.GenderFeature) (hRI : radicalInterpretability features) (hNonempty : gffeatures, True) (hAllU : gffeatures, gf.interp = Morphology.DM.Interpretability.u) :
                                                    False

                                                    The Semantic Core follows from Radical Interpretability + structural assignment: if a language has any gender feature (even uninterpretable), it must have an interpretable one in the same dimension, which forces at least some nouns to be assigned gender semantically.

                                                    Contrapositively: a language with only uninterpretable gender (pure arbitrary assignment, no semantic core) violates Radical Interpretability.

                                                    theorem Phenomena.Gender.Studies.Kramer2020.ri_implies_interpretable_exists (features : List Morphology.DM.GenderFeature) (hRI : radicalInterpretability features) (hNonempty : gffeatures, True) :
                                                    gffeatures, gf.interp = Morphology.DM.Interpretability.i

                                                    Positive direction of the RI → Semantic Core derivation: if a language has gender features and satisfies Radical Interpretability, then it has at least one interpretable gender feature (which, being interpretable, forces semantic gender assignment for at least some nouns). (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3)

                                                    Same-root nominals: nouns that can be assigned different grammatical genders depending on the social gender of their referent. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.2.3; @cite{kramer-2015}; @cite{corbett-1991})

                                                    In the structural approach, the root itself is ungendered; gender depends on which n head it merges with. Same-root nominals combine with alternative n heads depending on the referent.

                                                    Examples: Amharic hakim 'doctor' (ex. 13), Spanish estudiante 'student', Greek odigós 'driver'.

                                                    • form : String

                                                      The noun form

                                                    • language : String

                                                      Language

                                                    • possibleNHeads : List Morphology.DM.CatHead

                                                      Possible gender assignments (> 1 for same-root nominals)

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                                                        Whether this is a genuine same-root nominal (multiple n options).

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                                                          Amharic hakim 'doctor': combines with either i[+FEM] or i[−FEM] depending on the referent. (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 13)

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                                                            Same-root nominals pose a challenge for lexical approaches: a single lexical entry cannot carry both [M] and [F]. The structural approach handles them by allowing the same root to merge with different n heads.

                                                            Hybrid nouns are distinct from same-root nominals. Where same-root nominals alternate gender depending on the referent (Amharic hakim is EITHER masculine OR feminine), hybrid nouns trigger BOTH genders SIMULTANEOUSLY on different agreement targets in the same sentence.

                                                            @cite{kramer-2020} ex. 16/27: Russian vrač 'doctor' očen' xoroš-aja glavn-yj vrač very good-F head-M doctor 'a very good head doctor'

                                                            Here xoroš-aja shows feminine agreement and glavn-yj shows masculine agreement with the SAME noun vrač in the SAME clause.

                                                            @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2 argues this is problematic for lexical approaches (a lexical entry has one gender feature) but handled by structural approaches (a social-gender projection can coexist with morphosyntactic gender on n).

                                                            A hybrid noun: a single lexical item that triggers different genders on different agreement targets simultaneously. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.2.3, §3.3.2; @cite{corbett-1991})

                                                            • form : String

                                                              The noun form

                                                            • language : String

                                                              Language

                                                            • Morphosyntactic gender (from n head)

                                                            • Semantic gender (from social-gender projection, triggered by referent)

                                                            • distinct : self.morphGender self.semGender

                                                              The two genders must differ for hybrid agreement to arise.

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                                                                Russian vrač 'doctor': morphologically masculine (from n), but can trigger feminine agreement when referring to a female doctor. (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 15-16/27; @cite{corbett-1991})

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                                                                  Hybrid nouns are problematic for lexical approaches: a lexical entry can bear only one gender feature, but hybrid nouns need two genders simultaneously. The structural approach handles this via separate projections for morphosyntactic and social gender. (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.2)

                                                                  An inventory of n heads for a language, with the number of surface genders that result from VI (@cite{kramer-2015} Chs 5-7).

                                                                  The key insight: surface gender count is determined by VI rules, not directly by the n inventory. Two languages can have the SAME set of n heads but different numbers of surface genders (e.g., Dieri 2 vs Mangarayi 3).

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                                                                      Does this inventory include any arbitrary (uninterpretable) gender?

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                                                                        Is this a purely semantic gender system (no u-features)?

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                                                                                            Same n inventory, different surface genders: Dieri (2) vs Mangarayi (3). This demonstrates that surface gender count depends on VI, not the inventory itself.

                                                                                            Set 1 languages share the same n inventory (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6). Hausa is included by extrapolation from Kramer's Table 3 (p. 56) grouping (Hausa is not analyzed in @cite{kramer-2015} itself).

                                                                                            3-n languages have purely semantic gender (no u-features). (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 5)

                                                                                            Lealao Chinantec is also purely semantic (animacy-based, Ch 5).

                                                                                            Ojibwe is a 4-n animacy language with arbitrary animate assignment (u[+ANIM]). (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6, §6.4)

                                                                                            Ojibwe has the same structure as Set 1 sex-based languages (Amharic, Spanish) but in the animacy dimension: i[+ANIM], i[−ANIM], plain n, u[+ANIM].

                                                                                            Lavukaleve is maximal: 5 n heads (both u[+FEM] and u[−FEM]).

                                                                                            More n heads does not entail more surface genders: Amharic has 4 ns but only 2 surface genders.

                                                                                            DM Set-1 categorizing-head projection from the theory-neutral Spanish Fragment fields. Same Set-1 partition as Hausa.nHead (Spanish is the canonical Set 1 language per @cite{kramer-2015} Ch. 6, alongside Amharic). The four cells of (attestedGender × isNaturalGender) cover the four Set-1 n-heads.

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                                                                                              Same-root nominals project to BOTH possible n-heads (the polymorphic same-root pattern @cite{kramer-2015} §3.4 / @cite{kramer-2020} §2.2.3). The framework decision lives here, not in the Fragment.

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                                                                                                DM 5-n categorizing-head projection from theory-neutral Russian Fragment fields. Russian uses 3-gender VI (vs Spanish's Set 1 binary), so the (attestedGender × isNaturalGender) cells project to five n-heads: i[+FEM], i[−FEM], u[+FEM], u[−FEM], plain n. Verified against @cite{kramer-2015} Ch. 7.

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                                                                                                  Derive from fragment via Spanish.nHead projection: hombre 'man' has natural masculine gender (i[−FEM]).

                                                                                                  Bridge: convert a Spanish SameRootEntry to the cross-linguistic SameRootNominal type. The possibleNHeads come from the Studies projection Spanish.sameRootNHeads.

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                                                                                                    Spanish soldado 'soldier' as a same-root nominal: the root √SOLDAD can combine with i[+FEM] or i[−FEM]. The two licensed n-heads are distinct.

                                                                                                    Spanish has the full Set 1 inventory: 4 n types.

                                                                                                    @cite{kramer-2015} §3.4 identifies four classes of roots, distinguished by which n heads they are licensed to combine with:

                                                                                                    1. Female-denoting roots (√WOMAN, √QUEEN): semantic licensing (List 3) requires n i[+FEM]. The Encyclopedia entry only provides a denotation in the context of an n head bearing [+FEM].
                                                                                                    2. Male-denoting roots (√MAN, √KING): semantic licensing requires n i[−FEM].
                                                                                                    3. Arbitrarily feminine roots (√TABLE, √CHAIR): PF licensing (List 2) requires n u[+FEM]. A VI rule specifies the exponent in the context of [+FEM] on n.
                                                                                                    4. Default roots (√BOOK, √CAR): no licensing requirement. Combine with plain n (the elsewhere case).

                                                                                                    This classification generates the licensing tables found in Tables 3.1 (Amharic, 3 ns) and 6.2 (Spanish, 4 ns).

                                                                                                    Root classes from @cite{kramer-2015} §3.4, parameterized by which n head the root is licensed to combine with.

                                                                                                    The first four classes are from Tables 3.1/6.2 (3-n and Set 1 4-n systems). arbitraryMasc extends the typology to 5-n systems (Russian, Lavukaleve) and Set 2 4-n systems (Maa, Wari'), where u[−FEM] is also attested.

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                                                                                                        Bridge: the licensing type of a root class agrees with the licensing type derived from its n head's gender feature. For gendered root classes, the GenderFeature.licensingType (defined in Categorizer.lean) produces the same result as RootClass.licensing.

                                                                                                        persona is human-denoting but has u[+FEM] (arbitrary feminine), not i[+FEM] (natural feminine). This is the key exception to the pattern that human-denoting nouns get interpretable gender features. (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.2, p. 59; @cite{kramer-2015} §6.2)

                                                                                                        In root-class terms: persona's root is licensed as arbitraryFem despite denoting humans — its root is only licensed to combine with n u[+FEM], never n i[+FEM] or n i[−FEM].

                                                                                                        The NInventory (from the DM analysis of n heads, @cite{kramer-2015}) and the GenderProfile (from WALS typology, @cite{corbett-2013}) describe the same languages from different theoretical perspectives. The key bridge: the NInventory.surfaceGenders count should match GenderProfile.rawGenderCount for the same language.

                                                                                                        Spanish: the DM n-inventory predicts the same number of surface genders as the WALS typological profile.

                                                                                                        For Spanish, the n-inventory has 4 structural heads mapping to 2 surface genders — a many-to-one mapping mediated by VI (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch 6). This is the central insight: structural richness (4 n types) does not imply surface richness (only 2 genders).

                                                                                                        NInventory ↔ AssignmentSystem bridge: having arbitrary (u) features in the n-inventory corresponds to semanticAndFormal assignment in the WALS typology. 3-n languages with no u-features are semanticOnly. (@cite{kramer-2020} §2.3; @cite{corbett-2013} Ch 32)

                                                                                                        In Set 1 languages (Spanish, Amharic), masculine is the DEFAULT gender: nouns with plain n (no gender feature) surface as masculine. The derivation:

                                                                                                        1. The root combines with plain n (no gender feature on n).
                                                                                                        2. At PF, Vocabulary Insertion looks for a matching exponent.
                                                                                                        3. The [+FEM] exponent requires [+FEM] on n — it does NOT match.
                                                                                                        4. The elsewhere/default exponent (masculine) is inserted.

                                                                                                        In Set 2 languages (Maa, Wari'), the same logic yields feminine as default:

                                                                                                        1. The root combines with plain n (no gender feature on n).
                                                                                                        2. The [−FEM] exponent requires [−FEM] on n — it does NOT match.
                                                                                                        3. The elsewhere/default exponent (feminine) is inserted.

                                                                                                        The polarity of the u-feature determines which gender is arbitrary vs default.

                                                                                                        Stronger meta-theorem: for every Spanish entry, the projection composed with Set 1 VI recovers the entry's attestedGender. The Fragment-side empirical fact (attestedGender) and the Studies-side structural derivation (Spanish.nHead + Set 1 VI) agree.

                                                                                                        Russian is a 5-n language with 3 surface genders — the same inventory as Lavukaleve, supporting @cite{kramer-2015}'s prediction that n-inventory size and surface gender count are independent (mediated by VI).

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                                                                                                          Russian and Lavukaleve share the same n-inventory (5 heads).

                                                                                                          Russian has 5 structural heads mapping to 3 surface genders.

                                                                                                          Russian: the DM n-inventory predicts the same number of surface genders as the WALS typological profile.

                                                                                                          vrač is a hybrid noun: its morphological gender (u[−FEM] = masculine) differs from the semantic gender triggered by a female referent ([+FEM]). This matches the russianVrac definition from §7.

                                                                                                          Russian projection round-trip: every Russian entry's projection, composed with 3-gender VI, recovers the entry's attestedGender.

                                                                                                          The NInventory.surfaceGenders field is currently stipulated. Here we derive the surface gender count from VI rules applied to each n-head, verifying that the computed count matches the stipulated count.

                                                                                                          The key VI patterns from @cite{kramer-2015}:

                                                                                                          A VI gender-class assignment: maps each n-head to a surface gender class (encoded as Nat). Two n-heads yielding the same Nat surface as the same gender.

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                                                                                                            Set 1 VI: [+FEM] → 0 (feminine), everything else → 1 (masculine).

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                                                                                                              Set 2 VI: [−FEM] → 1 (masculine), everything else → 0 (feminine).

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                                                                                                                3-gender VI: [+FEM] → 0, [−FEM] → 1, no feature → 2.

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                                                                                                                  Dieri: same 3-n inventory as Mangarayi but 2 surface genders under Set 1 VI (where plain n → masculine, not neuter).

                                                                                                                  The Dieri vs Mangarayi contrast: same n-heads, different VI → different surface gender counts. This is now DERIVED, not stipulated.

                                                                                                                  @cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.1 (pp. 60–61) responds to the apparent challenge from "phonological gender assignment."

                                                                                                                  Empirical pattern (described in §2.3.2, pp. 54–55, citing @cite{newman-2000}): Hausa nonhuman feminines mostly end in , but @cite{newman-2000} p. 209 documents 250+ ā-final masculines (out of ~3000 masculine nouns), partitioned into native exceptions (kadā 'crocodile', ùbā 'father', zàkarā 'rooster'), loanwords, and erstwhile plurals (gidā 'house', ruwā 'water'). The correlation feminine→-ā is unidirectional (@cite{kramer-2020} p. 55): "If a noun has feminine gender, then it likely ends in . However, not every noun that ends in has feminine gender."

                                                                                                                  Three framings:

                                                                                                                  The Newman/Kramer synchronic view is opposed to the Corbett phonological-assignment view; Newman's source grammar favors Kramer's re-analysis.

                                                                                                                  Hausa Fragment is theory-neutral (carries attestedGender + isNaturalGender, no DM commitment). This section projects those fields onto Set-1 DM categorizers via Hausa.nHead, then formalizes the §3.3.1 diagnostic and encodes the three-way Newman/Corbett/Kramer disagreement at theorem level.

                                                                                                                  DM Set-1 categorizing-head projection from the theory-neutral Fragment fields. The four cells of (attestedGender × isNaturalGender) project to the four Set-1 n-heads (@cite{kramer-2015} Ch. 6). Non-binary surface genders (.neuter, .common, .animate, .inanimate) fall through to .n_plain — irrelevant for Hausa.

                                                                                                                  UNVERIFIED: Hausa is not classified by @cite{kramer-2015} (it appears only in introductory data examples in Ch. 1). The Set-1 placement extrapolates from @cite{kramer-2020} Table 3 (p. 56).

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                                                                                                                    Naive Corbett-style phonological-assignment rule (@cite{corbett-1991} §3.2.2): nouns ending in are feminine, others are masculine. This is what Kramer's §3.3.1 refutes.

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                                                                                                                      Newman/Kramer structural rule: the noun's surface gender is the morphosyntactically encoded fact (Newman: lexical+overt-char; Kramer: VI realization on n head). At the empirical level, both reduce to the attested agreement-trigger fact.

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                                                                                                                        kāzā 'hen' projects to natural feminine — Newman lists kāzā paired with zàkarā 'rooster' as a sex-paired entry, satisfying Kramer's "honoris causa" criterion (@cite{kramer-2020} p. 57).

                                                                                                                        gidā 'house' projects to default masculine (plain n). @cite{newman-2000} p. 209 erstwhile-plural class (c).

                                                                                                                        kadā̀ 'crocodile' projects to default masculine (plain n). @cite{newman-2000} p. 209 native ā-final masculine class (a).

                                                                                                                        ùbā 'father' projects to natural masculine (i[−FEM]). @cite{newman-2000} p. 209 native ā-final masculine class (a), cited in @cite{kramer-2015} Ch. 1.

                                                                                                                        §3.3.1 forward refutation (@cite{kramer-2020} ex. 22, p. 55): the naive phonological rule "ends-in- ⇒ feminine" is falsified. Witness: kadā̀ 'crocodile' (Kramer's cited example, attributed to @cite{newman-2000} p. 209): ends in but masculine.

                                                                                                                        §3.3.1 converse, Newman-anchored (@cite{newman-2000} p. 208 footnote [i]): the converse "feminine ⇒ ends-in-" is also falsified. Witness: mācè 'woman' — feminine but ends in . Newman explicitly flags this as the canonical exception. (Not part of Kramer's argument; @cite{kramer-2020} p. 55 only argues the forward direction. The converse failure is empirically real and well-anchored on Newman.)

                                                                                                                        ùbā 'father' is a second masculine witness, beyond Kramer's kadā̀. @cite{newman-2000} p. 209 lists ùbā in native masculine class (a); @cite{kramer-2015} Ch. 1 cites it as a Hausa introductory example.

                                                                                                                        gidā 'house' is a third masculine witness, in Newman's erstwhile-plural class (c) — distinct historical class from kadā/ùbā.

                                                                                                                        The naive Corbett-style phonological rule and the Newman/Kramer structural rule diverge on Kramer's witness kadā̀: phonological predicts feminine (kadā̀ ends in ), structural predicts the actual fact (masculine).

                                                                                                                        The two rules diverge on EXACTLY four Fragment entries (mācè, gidā, kadā̀, ùbā), agreeing on the other 8. Quantifies the dispute: the structural account differs from naive phonology on 4/12 ≈ 33% of entries — a third of the Fragment load-bears the disagreement.

                                                                                                                        Hausa shares the Set-1 inventory with Spanish and Amharic (the cross-cutting set1_shared theorem at §8 already covers Hausa↔Amharic↔Spanish; this theorem completes Hausa↔Spanish explicitly for downstream convenience).

                                                                                                                        Hausa satisfies Radical Interpretability on the same Set-1 inventory as Spanish and Amharic (@cite{kramer-2020} §3.3.3).

                                                                                                                        Bridge: the Hausa DM n-inventory predicts the same surface gender count as the WALS-style typological profile from Corbett1991.