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Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.MartinRoseNichols2025

Thick vs Thin Causative Verb Data #

@cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025} @cite{embick-2009}

Corpus survey data from Table 3: 37 English causative verbs classified by four binary properties:

  1. alternating: Participates in the causative/anticausative alternation
  2. thick: Encodes manner of causing (subject restriction on abstract causes)
  3. ASR: Compatible with strong adjectival resultatives (break open)
  4. omissionSubjects: Compatible with omission/quality-denoting subjects

Key Findings (§4.3) #

A single verb entry from Table 3, extending a Fragment VerbEntry. The Levin class, verb form, root profile, etc. are all inherited from the Fragment entry — only the @cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025} annotations are new.

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      Verb form (convenience accessor).

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        Table 3 data (representative subset) #

        We include all 13 thick verbs and a representative set of thin verbs covering the key patterns. Numbers in comments refer to Table 3 rows.

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                                                          Per-datum verification theorems #

                                                          Bridge to ThickThinClass #

                                                          Verify that the data entries' classifications match the theory.

                                                          Thick manner verbs are ASR-compatible per the theory.

                                                          Thick state verbs are NOT ASR-compatible per the theory.

                                                          Thin verbs are NOT ASR-compatible per the theory.

                                                          Bridge to @cite{levin-1993} classes #

                                                          The thick/thin distinction cross-cuts Levin classes: verbs in the same general domain (change of state, causation) can be thick or thin. The difference is whether the verb specifies manner of causing.

                                                          Destroy (thin) is also predicted to participate in causative alternation by its meaning components, but empirically it does not alternate. This shows the limits of meaning-component prediction.

                                                          Kill (thin, murder class) is predicted to participate in causative alternation but empirically does not alternate.

                                                          All ThickThin verb entries (for aggregate bridge theorems).

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                                                            Causative structure (transitive alternant of a change-of-state verb) pairs an external causer with agentive Voice. The full head-list [vDO, vCAUSE, vGO, vBE] matches accomplishment semantically.

                                                            Anticausative structure (intransitive alternant of a change-of-state verb) drops the external argument while keeping CAUSE. The head-list [vCAUSE, vGO, vBE] is what VerbalDecomposition calls inchoative, contra @cite{martin-rose-nichols-2025}'s prose framing of "achievements".

                                                            The causative alternation IS a Voice alternation: transitive = agentive Voice, anticausative = non-thematic Voice. The VP-internal structure [vCAUSE, vGO, vBE] is shared; causative just prepends vDO.

                                                            theorem Phenomena.Causation.Compare.thick_mostly_alternate_bridge :
                                                            have thickVerbs := List.filter (fun (x : ThickThin.ThickThinEntry) => x.thick) ThickThin.allEntries; have altThick := List.filter (fun (x : ThickThin.ThickThinEntry) => x.alternating) thickVerbs; altThick.length * 100 / thickVerbs.length 70

                                                            Most thick verbs alternate (have both Voice variants).

                                                            Alternating thick verbs: the transitive form has agentive Voice, the anticausative has non-thematic Voice. Example: break.

                                                            • "John broke the vase" = Voice_AG + vDO + vCAUSE + vGO + vBE
                                                            • "The vase broke" = Voice_∅ + vCAUSE + vGO + vBE

                                                            Non-alternating thick verbs (cut) only have the agentive Voice form.