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Tenses in Compositional Semantics

von Stechow, A. (2009). In The Expression of Time (pp. 129–166). Mouton de Gruyter

Von Stechow gives English tense a compositional semantics. The Present denotes the speech time; the Past is indefinite, an existential quantifier over the times before its local evaluation time, and so is the auxiliary have; will is its mirror image and be passes its time on. Against Partee's referential Past, the indefinite Past restricted to the times the speaker has in mind gives the truth conditions of her stove sentence and, unlike the referential one, lets negation and quantifiers scope over tense. Relative-clause tenses are bound pronouns, attitude complements are properties of times, and before and after take the earliest time of their clause. Along the way he argues that achievements need moments but not discrete time.

A time is a moment, a point of a linear order, or an interval of moments, mathlib's NonemptyInterval, whose ≤ is the subinterval relation. A tense is possibility ◇ along its cell read as a relation (Semantics/Tense/Quantificational.lean), so ◇[toSetRel ⟦past⟧] P s says that P held at some time before s.

Implementation notes

The tense entries, relative clauses, attitudes and adjunct clauses are stated on moments, the arguments about the perfective, frame adverbials and the extended now on intervals, where before is NonemptyInterval.Precedes; on and in are ≤, at is equality. The referential Past (47), which von Stechow takes from Heim, is the presupposition Perspective.Presup Allen.precedes; the Perfective (50) and the extended-now perfect (28) are Aspect.PRFV and Aspect.PERF, and quantization (12) is Krifka's Mereology.QUA. The printed restricted Past (53) compares the quantified time with the speech time where its λ-bound argument is meant, as (57) shows; the printed EARLIEST (91) requires the earliest time to precede every time of the clause, itself included, and is read as IsLeast. Doxastic alternatives are relations on worlds indexed by times, or on world–time pairs. Feature transmission, PRO movement, the deletion of tenses under tenses, the progressive and the operators THR, ST and EV are not formalized. The examples are the rows of Data.Examples.VonStechow2009.

References

Achievements

L73–76
L79–94
L103–106

Tenses and auxiliaries

Temporal adverbials

In John has called yesterday (42, Examples.ex_42) yesterday modifies the extended-now interval, which ends at the speech time, so the sentence is contradictory unless the speech time is on yesterday.

theorem not_perfAdv_yesterdayL153–161
{T : Type u_1} [LinearOrder T] {s : T} {W : Type u_2} (call : W → Set (NonemptyInterval T)) (yesterday : NonemptyInterval T) (w : W) (hs : s ∉ yesterday) :
(w, s) ∉ Aspect.PERF fun (x : W) => Set.Iic yesterday ∩ call x
L183–186
L189–192
L196–197

If John works every Sunday, John worked on every Sunday said on day ten is true on reading (45) and false on (44a) and (44b).

theorem every_sundayL199–220
:
(∀ (t' : NonemptyInterval ℕ), sunday t' ∧ t'.Precedes (NonemptyInterval.pure 10) → ModalLogic.Diamond (Allen.toSetRel Allen.precedes) (fun (t : NonemptyInterval ℕ) => t ≤ t' ∧ sunday t) (NonemptyInterval.pure 10)) ∧ ¬ModalLogic.Diamond (Allen.toSetRel Allen.precedes) (fun (t : NonemptyInterval ℕ) => ∀ (t' : NonemptyInterval ℕ), sunday t' → t ≤ t' ∧ sunday t) (NonemptyInterval.pure 10) ∧ ¬∀ (t' : NonemptyInterval ℕ), sunday t' → ModalLogic.Diamond (Allen.toSetRel Allen.precedes) (fun (t : NonemptyInterval ℕ) => t ≤ t' ∧ sunday t) (NonemptyInterval.pure 10)

Built from

Partee's stove, the Perfective and the restricted Past

L230–234

The referential analysis (59) is too weak, since a short reference time leaves room for rain elsewhere in today.

theorem exists_not_prfv_pastL265–275
:
∃ (σ : NonemptyInterval ℤ) (t₅ : NonemptyInterval ℤ) (today : NonemptyInterval ℤ) (rain : Unit → NonemptyInterval ℤ → Prop), (Tense.Perspective.Presup Allen.precedes σ t₅ ∧ t₅ ≤ today ∧ t₅ ∉ Aspect.PRFV rain ()) ∧ ModalLogic.Diamond (Allen.toSetRel Allen.precedes) (fun (t : NonemptyInterval ℤ) => t ≤ today ∧ rain () t) σ

Quantifiers and tense

L307–309

Tense in relative clauses

L319–322
L329–333
L335–339

Tense under attitudes

On the anaphoric analysis (77), At five o'clock Mary thought it was six o'clock holds exactly when Mary's beliefs at five are inconsistent.

theorem anaphoric_report_iffL349–359
{T : Type u_1} [LinearOrder T] {s : T} {W : Type u_2} (Dox : T → SetRel W W) {five six : T} (hne : five ≠ six) (w : W) :
ModalLogic.Diamond (Tense.toSetRel (Denotes.denote Tense.past)) (fun (t : T) => t = five ∧ ModalLogic.Box (Dox t) (fun (x : W) => t = six) w) s ↔ five < s ∧ ∀ (w' : W), (w, w') ∉ Dox five
L368–377

Before- and after-clauses

L397–401

When the clause has an earliest time, before the earliest time is the before ever of Anscombe 1964, the universal before that von Stechow attributes to her.

theorem before_earliest_iff_beforeEverL403–410
{T : Type u_1} [LinearOrder T] {A B : Set T} {m : T} (hm : IsLeast B m) :
(∃ t ∈ A, t < m) ↔ Tense.beforeEver (NonemptyInterval.pure '' A) (NonemptyInterval.pure '' B)