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Studies.VonFintel1993

von Fintel (1993): Exceptive Constructions #

von Fintel gives the English but-phrase of every student but John a least-exception semantics. Plain domain subtraction, reading students but John as the students minus John, neither explains why but occurs only with every and no nor blocks the inference to every student but John and Jill, and adding the requirement that the quantification fail without the subtraction still admits most. On the least-exception semantics the but-phrase instead names the exception set, the least set whose subtraction makes the quantification true (Exceptive.IsExceptionSet), which with every is the restrictor minus the scope and with no their intersection. Free exceptives like except for John carry subtraction with restrictiveness only (Exceptive.Restrictive), which is why they also occur with most.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

References #

Truth conditions (§1.1, §1.5) #

Every student but John attended says that the students who did not attend are John alone, (9) of the paper and the reading of Examples.ex_1a.

No student but John attended says that the students who attended are John alone, (9) of the paper and the reading of Examples.ex_2b.

Consequences of uniqueness (§1.5, §1.7) #

theorem VonFintel1993.not_isExceptionSet_of_lt {α : Type u_1} {Q : Quantifier.GQ α} {A C B : α → Prop} (h : Quantifier.Exceptive.IsExceptionSet Q A C B) {C' : α → Prop} (hlt : C < C') :

The inference to a but-phrase with a larger exception set (24), Examples.ex_14, is blocked.

Two but-phrases on one quantifier (28), Examples.ex_28a, name the same exception.

The co-occurrence restrictions (§1.6) #

A determiner guarantees an exception set when every false quantification has one, the property von Fintel finds the universal determiners alone to have.

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    Some guarantees no exception, since when nothing in the restrictor is in the scope no subtraction helps.

    @[reducible, inline]
    abbrev VonFintel1993.attended :
    Fin 5 → Prop

    The five students of (25) are Tom, John, Harry, Bill and Mary in order; only the last two attended (Examples.ex_25a).

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      No set of students is the exception set of most students attended in situation (25) (Examples.ex_25b), since excluding any two of the three nonattenders makes it true, so only the empty set lies below every rescuer, and without any exclusion it is false.

      theorem VonFintel1993.isExceptionSet_most_two :
      Quantifier.Exceptive.IsExceptionSet Quantifier.GQ.most ⊤ (fun (x : Fin 2) => x = 0) fun (x : Fin 2) => x = 1

      In the paper's limiting case, with two students John and Harry of whom only Harry attended, most has the exception set John.

      What but operates on (§1.8) #

      theorem VonFintel1993.not_exists_nounModifier {α : Type u_1} {C : α → Prop} (hC : C ≠ ⊥) :
      ¬∃ (f : (α → Prop) → α → Prop), ∀ (A B : α → Prop), Quantifier.GQ.every (f A) B ↔ Quantifier.Exceptive.IsExceptionSet Quantifier.GQ.every A C B

      The but-phrase cannot be a noun modifier (§1.8). No operation on the restrictor alone yields the exception-set truth conditions with every, since with the whole domain as scope the modified quantification is true while a nonempty C is not the exception set.

      Free exceptives (§2) #

      In the situation of (25), except for Tom and John, most students attended holds where no but-phrase does, so the free exceptive occurs with most (34c).

      With every the but reading is the pragmatic strengthening of the free exceptive to an exception set that contains only exceptions (§2.3).

      With no the but reading is likewise the strengthening of the free exceptive (§2.3).

      The paper's examples #

      The paper opposes two exceptive markers, the but-phrase and free except for.

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        @[instance_reducible]
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        def VonFintel1993.instReprMarker.repr :
        Marker → ℕ → Std.Format
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          These determiners of the paper's exceptive examples have a reading in the English fragment or the quantification substrate; any, the definite and besides's numeral have none.

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            @[instance_reducible]
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              A row records an exceptive example of the paper by its marker, its determiner and its printed judgment.

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                def VonFintel1993.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  def VonFintel1993.instReprRow.repr :
                  Row → ℕ → Std.Format
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                    @[instance_reducible]
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                    ofDatum reads the marker, the determiner and the judgment off an exceptive example with a tabled determiner.

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                      rows collects the exceptive rows of the paper's examples.

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                        theorem VonFintel1993.but_predicted (r : Row) :
                        r ∈ rows → r.marker = Marker.but → (r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ ∀ q ∈ r.det.readings, ∀ (β : Type) [inst : Fintype β], GuaranteesException (q β))

                        In Horn's paradigm (10) and the but-sentences (1a), (2b), (22) and (25b), a but-phrase is acceptable with a determiner exactly when its readings guarantee an exception set on every finite domain, the semantic fact the paper takes the co-occurrence restriction to grammaticize.

                        theorem VonFintel1993.exceptFor_predicted (r : Row) :
                        r ∈ rows → r.marker = Marker.exceptFor → (r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ ∀ q ∈ r.det.readings, ∃ (β : Type) (x : Fintype β) (A : β → Prop) (C : β → Prop) (B : β → Prop), Quantifier.Exceptive.Restrictive (q β) A C B)

                        The free exceptives of (1b), (33a), (34a) and (34c) are acceptable with every tabled determiner, each of which admits a restrictive exceptive on some finite domain, as the semantics without the uniqueness condition predicts.