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Studies.Svenonius2004

Svenonius (2004): Slavic Prefixes Inside and Outside VP #

This file formalizes [Sve04]'s division of Slavic verbal prefixes into two classes by their place in a decomposed clause (2): a lexical prefix is the resultative R head inside the VP, like a Germanic verb particle ([dD95]), while a superlexical prefix is an Asp head above the VP with an adverbial, aspectual or quantificational meaning. The same prefix form serves either class, Russian za- spatial and idiomatic in (1a)–(1b) and inceptive in (1c), on the shared fragment morph. A prefix in a word is classified, PrefixClass, the superlexical case carrying its aspectual subtype, SuperlexicalSubtype, and an analysis pairs an attested example with its fragment stem and its classified prefix sequence, outermost first, Analysis, with the word-formation tree it determines, Analysis.tree. The structure is Structure: the Asp heads highest first and the optional R head over the stem, and a word's prefixes are its linearization, Structure.prefixes. Two generalizations follow from the structure. A superlexical prefix always appears outside a lexical one (4), WellStacked, Structure.wellStacked_prefixes, so the attested reversals (4b) and (4d) have no structure, reverse_4a_not_wellStacked, reverse_4c_not_wellStacked; and a VP has at most one lexical prefix, since it has one resultative position (4.4), Structure.lexicals_length_le_one. Together they characterize the linearizations: a prefix sequence is that of some structure exactly when it is well-stacked with at most one lexical prefix, Structure.exists_prefixes_eq_iff, and every analysis of the paper has one, analyses_structured. Among the diagnostics of superlexical prefixes (56), selection for an imperfective stem (56c) holds of the Russian analyses, superlexical_selects_imperfective; the Bulgarian stacks (3), from [Ist04], attach to the perfective razkaža.

Implementation notes #

The subtypes are the glosses of (57)–(58) together with [Ist04]'s terminative and excessive, an open list. The secondary imperfective's scope (4.5), the argument-structure effects of lexical prefixes (4.3), and the phrasal-movement alternative of section 5 are not formalized; the classification of the examples is the paper's, and [Rom04] documents mismatches among the diagnostics.

References #

The aspectual subtypes of superlexical prefixes, the glosses of (57)–(58) with [Ist04]'s terminative and excessive.

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    The class of a prefix in a word: the R head or an Asp head with its subtype.

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      A classified prefix sequence, outermost first, is well-stacked when no lexical prefix appears outside a superlexical one (4).

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        The lexical prefixes of a sequence.

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          The structure (2) #

          The decomposed clause of (2): the superlexical prefixes are Asp heads above the VP, highest first, and a lexical prefix is the resultative R head below V, of which a VP has one position (4.4).

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            The linearization: the Asp heads, then the R head, before the stem.

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              The stacking generalization (4): a linearized structure is well-stacked.

              Structural uniqueness (4.4): a linearized structure has at most one lexical prefix.

              theorem Svenonius2004.Structure.exists_prefixes_eq_iff (ps : List (Morphology.Morph × PrefixClass)) (st : Verb.Stem) :
              (∃ (s : Structure), s.stem = st ∧ s.prefixes = ps) ↔ WellStacked ps ∧ (lexicals ps).length ≤ 1

              The linearizations of structures over a stem are exactly the well-stacked sequences with at most one lexical prefix.

              An analysis of an attested example: the fragment stem it is built on and its classified prefix sequence, outermost first.

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                The word-formation tree: the prefix morphs folded, innermost last, over the stem root.

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                  Every analysis tree is concatenative: prefixation only.

                  The paper's analyses #

                  (1a) za-brosil: lexical spatial za- on perfective brositj.

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                    (1b) za-brosil 'gave up': the same lexical za-, idiomatic.

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                      (1c) za-brosal: superlexical inceptive za- on imperfective brosatj, the minimal pair with (1a) on the same fragment morph.

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                        (4a) po-vy-brasyvatj: superlexical distributive po- outside lexical vy- on the secondary-imperfective stem.

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                          (58) za-kuritj: superlexical inceptive za-.

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                            (58) po-čitatj: superlexical attenuative po-.

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                              (4c) po-w-chodzili: superlexical distributive po- outside lexical w-.

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                                (3a) po-na-razkaža, glossed DLMT-CMLT, on perfective razkaža.

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                                  (3e) iz-po-na-pre-razkaža, glossed CMPL-DSTR-CMLT-RPET, the deepest stack cited from [Ist04].

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                                    The analyses.

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                                      Results #

                                      theorem Svenonius2004.analyses_structured (a : Analysis) (ha : a ∈ analyses) :
                                      ∃ (s : Structure), s.stem = a.stem ∧ s.prefixes = a.prefixes

                                      Every analysis is well-stacked with at most one lexical prefix, so it is the linearization of a structure over its stem.

                                      The attested reversal (4b) vy-po-brasyvatj, the ungrammatical alternative recorded with (4a), is not well-stacked, so no structure linearizes to it.

                                      Likewise the Polish reversal (4d) w-po-chodzili.

                                      Diagnostic (56c) over the Russian analyses: a superlexically prefixed verb is built on an imperfective stem.