Solstad & Bott (2024): Cataphoric Resolution of Projective Content: The Case of Occasion Verbs #
An occasion verb such as gratulieren 'congratulate' implies that an eventuality before the agent's action gave the agent reason to act, the occasion. Solstad and Bott show in three rating experiments that the implication projects, that a sentence with an occasion verb is degraded unless another sentence supplies the occasion, and that the supporting sentence may follow the verb's sentence as well as precede it, where pronouns, demonstratives and auch 'too' need it to precede. In the antecedent of a conditional a conjoined clause entailing the occasion filters the implication from either side, where factive and aspectual triggers are filtered from the left only.
Main statements #
SolstadBott2024.strongContextualFelicity_iff: of the three constraints a trigger may place on the discourse around it, only the one demanding a preceding sentence is a strong contextual felicity constraint in the sense of Tonhauser, Beaver, Roberts and Simons.SolstadBott2024.contextTests_iff_licenses: a supported context differs reliably from the neutral one in the paper's tests exactly where the trigger's constraint is met.SolstadBott2024.Account.filters_iff: incremental local contexts and limited symmetry filter the implication only after the clause entailing it, symmetric local contexts on either side, and local accommodation everywhere.SolstadBott2024.fits_iff: of the four accounts only symmetric local contexts fit the occasion verbs of Experiment 3, and only the two asymmetric ones the factive and aspectual triggers.
Implementation notes #
- A discourse is the information before and after the trigger's sentence, and a constraint is met in a context type when it holds whenever the supporting sentence entails the content.
- An antecedent is evaluated in the utterance context, without the conditional around it, and an account filters the implication when the antecedent is acceptable in every context.
- A test of Block 1 is reliable when its printed p is below .05, and a contrast of Experiment 3
when its printed t is at least 2 in absolute value, which agrees with the two tests the paper
reports for that experiment (
reliable_triggerLast_iff). - The Block 1 means are recomputed from the authors' trial-level data. The Block 2 means of the established triggers are plotted only.
TODO #
- The paper's suggestion that an occasion verb raises the question why the agent acted, which must be addressed before or after the verb, is not formalized.
References #
Contextual constraints #
The constraint a trigger places on the discourse around its sentence. It places none, or it demands that what precedes entail the content, the strong contextual felicity of Tonhauser and colleagues, or that what precedes or what follows entail it, as occasion verbs do.
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- SolstadBott2024.instDecidableEqFelicity x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- SolstadBott2024.instReprFelicity = { reprPrec := SolstadBott2024.instReprFelicity.repr }
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The constraint holds of the content m, given the information before and after the
trigger's sentence.
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- SolstadBott2024.Felicity.Satisfied m before after SolstadBott2024.Felicity.free = True
- SolstadBott2024.Felicity.Satisfied m before after SolstadBott2024.Felicity.strong = (before ⊆ m)
- SolstadBott2024.Felicity.Satisfied m before after SolstadBott2024.Felicity.weak = (before ⊆ m ∨ after ⊆ m)
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The information before the trigger's sentence in a context type, where the supporting
sentence has the content p.
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The information after the trigger's sentence in a context type.
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- SolstadBott2024.Context.after p SolstadBott2024.Context.cataphoric = p
- SolstadBott2024.Context.after p x✝ = Set.univ
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A constraint is met in a context type when it is satisfied whenever the supporting sentence entails the content.
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- f.Licenses k = ∀ (W : Type) (m p : Set W), p ⊆ m → SolstadBott2024.Felicity.Satisfied m (SolstadBott2024.Context.before p k) (SolstadBott2024.Context.after p k) f
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The strong constraint is met in an anaphoric context only, and the weak one in an anaphoric or a cataphoric context.
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Take a sentence acceptable wherever some continuation meets its constraint. It is acceptable only in contexts that entail the content, the strong contextual felicity of Tonhauser and colleagues, exactly when the constraint is the strong one or the content is trivial. The constraint of occasion verbs is therefore not one.
Anaphoric and cataphoric contexts (Block 1) #
The constraint the paper finds for a trigger type of Experiment 1.
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The constraint the paper finds for a trigger type of Experiment 2.
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In both experiments a supported context differs reliably from the neutral one exactly where the trigger's constraint is met. A following sentence helps occasion verbs and does not help pronouns, demonstratives or auch.
The weak constraint is the only one of the three that the tests on occasion verbs fit.
Where a trigger's constraint is met only with a supporting sentence, the supported sentence is rated above the unsupported one.
Filtering in the antecedent of a conditional (Experiment 3) #
The antecedent of a condition of Experiment 3, for a trigger with presupposition p and
assertion p' and a conjoined clause q.
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- SolstadBott2024.Antecedent.formula p p' q SolstadBott2024.Antecedent.triggerOnly = Presupposition.Formula.trigger p p'
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The accounts of filtering the paper weighs. On incremental local contexts and on the limited symmetry of Kalomoiros only what precedes a trigger in a conjunction can satisfy its presupposition, on the symmetric local contexts of Schlenker what follows can too, and on local accommodation the presupposition is asserted in place.
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- SolstadBott2024.instDecidableEqAccount x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- SolstadBott2024.instReprAccount = { reprPrec := SolstadBott2024.instReprAccount.repr }
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The formula is acceptable in the context C on the account.
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- SolstadBott2024.Account.Accepts I C F SolstadBott2024.Account.incremental = Schlenker2009.Satisfaction Schlenker2009.Version.incremental C (Presupposition.Formula.occurrences I F)
- SolstadBott2024.Account.Accepts I C F SolstadBott2024.Account.limitedSymmetry = Kalomoiros2023.LimitedSymmetry C (Presupposition.Formula.occurrences I F)
- SolstadBott2024.Account.Accepts I C F SolstadBott2024.Account.symmetric = Schlenker2009.Satisfaction Schlenker2009.Version.symmetric C (Presupposition.Formula.occurrences I F)
- SolstadBott2024.Account.Accepts I C F SolstadBott2024.Account.localAccommodation = (C ⊆ Function.support fun (w : W) => SignType.ofProp (Presupposition.Formula.middleKleene I F w = 1))
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An account filters the implication in an antecedent type when the antecedent is acceptable in every context, provided the conjoined clause entails the implication.
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- a.Filters x = ∀ (Atom W : Type) (I : Atom → Set W) (p p' q : Atom), I q ⊆ I p → ∀ (C : Set W), SolstadBott2024.Account.Accepts I C (SolstadBott2024.Antecedent.formula p p' q x) a
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Incremental local contexts and limited symmetry filter the implication only after the clause entailing it, symmetric local contexts on either side of it, and local accommodation everywhere.
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A contrast with the trigger-first antecedent is reliable for a group of items.
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- SolstadBott2024.Reliable g y = ((SolstadBott2024.followUp g y).t.toRat ≤ -2 ∨ 2 ≤ (SolstadBott2024.followUp g y).t.toRat)
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The criterion agrees with the tests the paper reports for the trigger-first against the trigger-last antecedent.
An account fits a group of items when each other antecedent type differs reliably from the trigger-first one exactly when the account filters the implication in one of the two and not in the other, and the antecedent where it is filtered is then the less projective.
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Only symmetric local contexts fit the occasion verbs, and only the two asymmetric accounts the factive and aspectual triggers. Local accommodation fits neither, since it makes the trigger alone as little projective as the trigger after the clause entailing its content.
Projectivity and at-issueness (Block 2) #
The occasion implication is more projective and less at issue than the implications of the two classes of psychological verbs.
Across trigger types projectivity falls as at-issueness rises in both experiments, the correlation of Tonhauser, Beaver and Degen.
The occasion verbs #
The sixteen occasion verbs of the experiments are triggers in the German lexicon by their occasion sense alone, being neither factive nor phasal nor implicative.