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Studies.SolstadBott2024

Solstad & Bott (2024): Cataphoric Resolution of Projective Content: The Case of Occasion Verbs #

An occasion verb such as gratulieren 'congratulate' implies that an eventuality before the agent's action gave the agent reason to act, the occasion. Solstad and Bott show in three rating experiments that the implication projects, that a sentence with an occasion verb is degraded unless another sentence supplies the occasion, and that the supporting sentence may follow the verb's sentence as well as precede it, where pronouns, demonstratives and auch 'too' need it to precede. In the antecedent of a conditional a conjoined clause entailing the occasion filters the implication from either side, where factive and aspectual triggers are filtered from the left only.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

References #

Contextual constraints #

The constraint a trigger places on the discourse around its sentence. It places none, or it demands that what precedes entail the content, the strong contextual felicity of Tonhauser and colleagues, or that what precedes or what follows entail it, as occasion verbs do.

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      def SolstadBott2024.Felicity.Satisfied {W : Type u_1} (m before after : Set W) :

      The constraint holds of the content m, given the information before and after the trigger's sentence.

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        def SolstadBott2024.Context.before {W : Type u_1} (p : Set W) :
        Context → Set W

        The information before the trigger's sentence in a context type, where the supporting sentence has the content p.

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          def SolstadBott2024.Context.after {W : Type u_1} (p : Set W) :
          Context → Set W

          The information after the trigger's sentence in a context type.

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            A constraint is met in a context type when it is satisfied whenever the supporting sentence entails the content.

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              theorem SolstadBott2024.Felicity.licenses_iff {f : Felicity} {k : Context} :
              f.Licenses k ↔ f = free ∨ f = strong ∧ k = Context.anaphoric ∨ f = weak ∧ k ≠ Context.neutral

              The strong constraint is met in an anaphoric context only, and the weak one in an anaphoric or a cataphoric context.

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              instance SolstadBott2024.instDecidableLicenses (f : Felicity) (k : Context) :
              Decidable (f.Licenses k)
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              theorem SolstadBott2024.strongContextualFelicity_iff {W : Type u_1} {f : Felicity} {m : Set W} :
              (TonhauserEtAl2013.StrongContextualFelicity m fun (b : Set W) => ∃ (a : Set W), Felicity.Satisfied m b a f) ↔ f = Felicity.strong ∨ m = Set.univ

              Take a sentence acceptable wherever some continuation meets its constraint. It is acceptable only in contexts that entail the content, the strong contextual felicity of Tonhauser and colleagues, exactly when the constraint is the strong one or the content is trivial. The constraint of occasion verbs is therefore not one.

              Anaphoric and cataphoric contexts (Block 1) #

              In both experiments a supported context differs reliably from the neutral one exactly where the trigger's constraint is met. A following sentence helps occasion verbs and does not help pronouns, demonstratives or auch.

              The weak constraint is the only one of the three that the tests on occasion verbs fit.

              Where a trigger's constraint is met only with a supporting sentence, the supported sentence is rated above the unsupported one.

              Filtering in the antecedent of a conditional (Experiment 3) #

              The antecedent of a condition of Experiment 3, for a trigger with presupposition p and assertion p' and a conjoined clause q.

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                The accounts of filtering the paper weighs. On incremental local contexts and on the limited symmetry of Kalomoiros only what precedes a trigger in a conjunction can satisfy its presupposition, on the symmetric local contexts of Schlenker what follows can too, and on local accommodation the presupposition is asserted in place.

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                  def SolstadBott2024.instReprAccount.repr :
                  Account → ℕ → Std.Format
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                    An account filters the implication in an antecedent type when the antecedent is acceptable in every context, provided the conjoined clause entails the implication.

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                      Incremental local contexts and limited symmetry filter the implication only after the clause entailing it, symmetric local contexts on either side of it, and local accommodation everywhere.

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                      instance SolstadBott2024.instDecidableFilters (a : Account) (x : Antecedent) :
                      Decidable (a.Filters x)
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                      A contrast with the trigger-first antecedent is reliable for a group of items.

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                        The criterion agrees with the tests the paper reports for the trigger-first against the trigger-last antecedent.

                        An account fits a group of items when each other antecedent type differs reliably from the trigger-first one exactly when the account filters the implication in one of the two and not in the other, and the antecedent where it is filtered is then the less projective.

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                          instance SolstadBott2024.instDecidableFits (a : Account) (g : TriggerGroup) :
                          Decidable (a.Fits g)
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                          Only symmetric local contexts fit the occasion verbs, and only the two asymmetric accounts the factive and aspectual triggers. Local accommodation fits neither, since it makes the trigger alone as little projective as the trigger after the clause entailing its content.

                          Projectivity and at-issueness (Block 2) #

                          The occasion implication is more projective and less at issue than the implications of the two classes of psychological verbs.

                          Across trigger types projectivity falls as at-issueness rises in both experiments, the correlation of Tonhauser, Beaver and Degen.

                          Occasion verbs and experiencer-stimulus verbs share the object bias of implicit causality, yet the implication of the latter is the less projective, so the bias does not come from projective content alone.

                          The occasion verbs #

                          The sixteen occasion verbs of the experiments are triggers in the German lexicon by their occasion sense alone, being neither factive nor phasal nor implicative.