Documentation

Studies.Lucy1994

Lucy (1994): The Role of Semantic Value in Lexical Comparison #

This file formalizes the morpho-distributional diagnostic of [Luc94]: the lexical classes of a language are to be identified by their morphology rather than by notional content, and the notional class of motion verbs, assembled from English intuition, coincides with no morphologically defined class of Yucatec. The diagnostic is the derivation a root requires to form a transitive stem, the affective suffix =t for agent-salient roots, no derivation for agent-patient-salient roots, and the causative suffix =s for patient-salient roots (affectiveT, zeroDeriv, causativeS), salience being a set of default semantic values in a root that influence case marking. Roots are encoded by their entailment signature and their valency after [BKG20] and [Coo19], the classifier is the substrate's ArgumentStructure.SalienceClass.ofKinds, and the derivations predicted from the encoding reproduce every derivation the paper attests (predicted_matches_attested), the attestations being the form relations of Data/Forms/Lucy1994. Notional motion roots land in the patient-salient class, each classified as kíim 'die' is (motion_roots_not_separate_class); at best the roots lacking the -Vl imperfective form a formal class of motion verbs, a distinction invisible to the entailment grid (hash_not_signature_definable). Positional roots, which take the positional derivation =lah, cross-cut the transitiviser classes, čin 'bend' also zero-deriving a transitive (positional_crosscuts_transitiviser_classes), and each class's derivation adds the complement of its underived stem's valency (transitiviser_adds_compl).

Implementation notes #

The agent-patient class is carried by valency rather than by a signature, since its roots share none: p'is 'measure' is manner-only and k'os 'cut' manner and result. The affective class is inflated by denominal and loanword verbalization, so =t is a weaker signal of manner entailments than the other two derivations are of theirs. Root spellings are the paper's, read from the form rows; the class sizes and the two-way split of intransitives the paper aligns with the unaccusativity tradition are described in prose.

References #

The root of the sample that a form spells, with its entailment signature.

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    Agent-salient roots ((1a), p. 629) #

    mìis 'sweep' (p. 629), denominal from 'broom'.

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      Agent-patient-salient roots ((1b), p. 629) #

      Root transitives, carrying no uniform signature: kuč, p'is, ha¢ and loš are manner-only, surface contact without an entailed result, while k'os 'cut' is manner and result.

      p'is 'measure' (p. 629), no entailed change of state.

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        loš 'punch' (p. 629), surface contact without an entailed result.

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          Patient-salient roots ((2), pp. 629–630) #

          List (2) is arranged in antonym pairs listed in vertical adjacency: 'ah wen, siih kíim, tú'ub' k'a'ah, ču'un č'en, hó'op' ~ háaw. The order below is the list's.

          'ah '(a)wake(n)', 'ah=s 'wake (someone)'.

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            wen '(fall a)sleep', ween=s 'put to sleep'; fn. 7 flags it as also denoting continuation in the state.

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              siih 'be born', siih=s 'give birth, bear'.

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                kíim 'die' (1c), kíim=s 'kill'.

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                  tú'ub' 'forget', tú'ub'=s 'distract, cause to forget'.

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                    k'a'ah 'remember', k'á'ah=s 'remind, mention, invoke'.

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                      ču'un 'begin activity', ču'un=s 'cause to begin'.

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                        č'en 'stop, cease', č'en=s 'cause to stop, suspend'.

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                          hó'op' 'begin, start', hó'op'=s 'cause to begin'.

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                            háaw 'stop, cease, heal', háaw=s 'stop, revoke, medicate'.

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                              hé'el 'rest, stop at', hé'e(l)=s 'rest'.

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                                p'át 'remain', p'át=s 'abandon'.

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                                  Motion roots ((4), p. 640) #

                                  Locational-spatial state-change predicates: notionally motion, formally plain members of the patient-salient class. The five roots marked # do not, and cannot, take the -Vl suffix in the imperfective; fn. 17 adds that péek and 'ú'ul are also irregular in their agent-focused perfective forms, where they pattern like agent-salient roots.

                                  máan 'pass by' (#), maan=s 'pass, transfer, transport'.

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                                    péek 'move, vibrate' (#), pek=s 'cause to move, vibrate'.

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                                      tàal 'come (here)' (#), taa(l)=s 'bring'.

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                                        'ú'ul 'arrive (here)' (#), 'u'uh=s 'bring it to here'.

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                                          'ok 'enter, intrude', 'ook=s 'move it in(to)'.

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                                            líik' '(a)rise, ascend', lii(k)'=s 'raise, lift, put away'.

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                                              ná'ak '(a)rise, ascend', na'ak=s 'raise'; distinct from náak 'arrive, reach, hit', not sampled here.

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                                                Positional roots ((5) to (7), pp. 642–644) #

                                                čin 'bow, bend down, bend over' ((5) to (7)); zero-derives a transitive, (6) 'I bent it'.

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                                                  čil 'lie down, lying down' (7).

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                                                    Valency and class lists #

                                                    The roots attested forming a transitive stem by zero derivation, the sampled =∅ predicate roots (p. 629) and the positional čin (6).

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                                                      Root valency for the sample, [Coo19]'s √TV as {.internal}: zero-derivers introduce their internal argument, every other sampled root none.

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                                                        The sampled patient-salient roots of list (2), in the list's order.

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                                                          The #-marked subset of (4), the roots lacking the -Vl imperfective: for the paper, the only candidate formal class of motion verbs (p. 641).

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                                                            The sampled positional roots.

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                                                              Diagnostic operators #

                                                              A diagnostic derivational operator is given by its exponent, the core-argument positions it adds, and its structural applicability condition with bundled decidability, since the inventory holds heterogeneous conditions. Selection comes from the Morphology.Exponence.Rule instance.

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                                                                Affective =t transitivises an agent-salient root by adding a patient argument.

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                                                                  Under zero derivation =∅ the root alone supports a transitive stem.

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                                                                    Causative =s transitivises a patient-salient root by adding an agent argument.

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                                                                      The positional derivation, realized =lah ~ =tal by status, the =tal incompletive apparently compounding with tàal 'come' (p. 643).

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                                                                        The diagnostic inventory in the paper's order, the three transitivisers of (1) and then the positional derivation.

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                                                                          The exponents of the inventory's applicable operators at r, in inventory order, which are the root's predicted derivational behaviour.

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                                                                            Predicted against attested derivations #

                                                                            def Lucy1994.attested (r : Semantics.Root) :
                                                                            List String

                                                                            The derivations the paper attests for a root. Each is the final segment of a form that the root's row is related to, a derived stem or the bare derivational morpheme.

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                                                                              The derivations predicted from signature and valency reproduce every derivation the paper attests.

                                                                              The derived classification #

                                                                              Predicted derivational behaviour decomposes as the class's transitiviser followed by the positional derivation when the signature licenses it: the applicability profile is the classification, plus the cross-cutting positional diagnostic.

                                                                              The =∅ class is not signature-homogeneous, p'is manner-only against k'os manner and result: root transitivity is carried by valency, not by any feature configuration.

                                                                              The motion-verb non-class #

                                                                              Notional motion roots form no salience class of their own, the paper's central typological point: each is classified exactly as the plain state-change root kíim 'die'.

                                                                              theorem Lucy1994.hash_not_signature_definable :
                                                                              ∃ r ∈ hashMarked, ∃ r' ∈ motionRoots, r' ∉ hashMarked ∧ r.kinds = r'.kinds ∧ valency r = valency r'

                                                                              The # subclass, the paper's only candidate formal motion class, is not a function of the entailment grid: péek (#) and lúub' (plain) agree in signature and valency. The class is carried by a morphological gap, not by lexical semantics.

                                                                              The transitiviser system is complementation in the valency lattice: each class's required derivation adds the Boolean complement of its underived stem's valency, =t the patient the agent stem lacks, =s the agent the patient stem lacks, =∅ nothing.

                                                                              Positional interstitiality #

                                                                              The positional diagnostic cross-cuts the transitiviser cut: čin is positional yet zero-derives a transitive, while čil is positional and outside the cut altogether. The paper's classes are diagnostics, not a partition.

                                                                              Closure robustness #

                                                                              For cause-free roots, every root in this sample, collocational closure does not change the predicted class.