Documentation

Studies.Bohnemeyer2004

Bohnemeyer 2004: split intransitivity, linking, and lexical representation #

Bohnemeyer accounts for split intransitivity in Yukatek Maya. Kraemer and Wunderlich derive the language's argument linking from lexical aspect alone; Bohnemeyer argues that what the linking rules see is event structure, specifically whether the intransitive base entails internal causation. Transitivizing an internally-caused base gives applicative linking, the added applied object realized as U with the original S left as A; transitivizing an externally-caused base gives causative linking, the added instigator realized as A with the original S demoted to U (rules (26)–(27)). Which overt suffix appears, -t or -s, is lexically idiosyncratic and can dissociate from the linking, as balak' 'roll' and péek 'move' show in opposite directions.

The aspect-conditioned split itself follows from the same causal chain: the participant of a causing subevent outranks that of the caused subevent (31), and an imperfective viewpoint aligns with the initial subevent while a perfective one aligns with the final subevent or the chain as a whole (32) — accusative and ergative defaults respectively.

The verbs and their stem classes are the Yukatek fragment's; the event type the paper reads into each class, the causation type of each base and the transitivizing suffixes are the paper's and are recorded here.

Main definitions #

Main results #

References #

The verbs and their event structure #

The stem classes are the fragment's. The paper reads the active stems as processes and the inactive, inchoative and positional stems as state changes, degree achievements included (§5), so the template of an intransitive stem class has BECOME exactly when the class is one of state change. Each documented intransitive base is classified by whether it entails internal causation (§6).

Whether an event is internally caused in the sense of [LRH95], brought about by its instigator, a participant of the first event of a causal chain (§2).

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      A verb of the paper's examples with the causation type of its intransitive base.

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        def Bohnemeyer2004.instDecidableEqVerb.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Verb) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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          def Bohnemeyer2004.instReprVerb.repr :
          Verb → ℕ → Std.Format
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            meyah 'work', internally caused.

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              bàaxal 'play', internally caused.

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                hàan 'eat', internally caused though inactive by stem class ((9)).

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                  hats' 'hit', internally caused.

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                    balak' 'roll', externally caused.

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                      péek 'move', externally caused.

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                        tsíirin 'buzz', externally caused.

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                          chíik 'shake', externally caused.

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                            háarax 'slide', externally caused.

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                              húuy 'stir', externally caused.

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                                mosòon 'whirl', externally caused.

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                                  pirix 'flick', externally caused.

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                                    walak' 'turn', externally caused.

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                                      nik'ich 'squeak', externally caused.

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                                        kim 'die', externally caused.

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                                          lúub 'fall', externally caused.

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                                            ka'n 'get tired', externally caused.

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                                              na'k 'ascend', externally caused.

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                                                la'b 'deteriorate', externally caused.

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                                                  t'íil 'last', externally caused.

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                                                    ts'u'k 'rot', externally caused.

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                                                      bòox-tal 'blacken', externally caused.

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                                                        chichan-tal 'shrink', externally caused.

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                                                          kul-tal 'sit down', externally caused.

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                                                            wa'l-tal 'stand up', externally caused.

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                                                              chil-tal 'lie down', externally caused.

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                                                                xol-tal 'kneel', externally caused.

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                                                                  Causal chain and thematic hierarchy #

                                                                  A subevent is one of the two in the causal chain a clause expresses, the causing subevent or the subevent it causes. Yukatek clauses have at most two core arguments, so two subevents suffice for the hierarchy (31).

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                                                                      Causes a b holds when a is the causing and b the caused subevent, the causal edge of (31).

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                                                                        Subevents in order of causal precedence, the causing subevent first. The thematic hierarchy (31) ranks the participant of a causing subevent above the participant of the subevent it causes, so a participant of a outranks a participant of b exactly when a < b.

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                                                                        termRole e is the core term role of the participant of e (33a–b). The highest-ranking role is the A of a transitive clause and the lowest-ranking role its P.

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                                                                          markerOf r is the marker set the core term role r takes in Yukatek (33), set A for A and set B for P. The sole argument of an intransitive takes whichever the viewpoint selects, which is the split (sMarkerFromViewpoint).

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                                                                            The marker assignment respects the hierarchy: the participant of the earlier subevent is realized as A and takes set A, the participant of the later one as P and takes set B.

                                                                            Linking by viewpoint #

                                                                            def Bohnemeyer2004.linkingDefault {α : Type u_1} [LE α] [BoundedOrder α] :

                                                                            By rule (32), viewpoint aspect aligns with an end of the causal chain, and the role there sets the default for linking. An imperfective viewpoint aligns with the initial subevent, making the highest-ranking role the default, the accusative pattern. A perfective one aligns with the final subevent or the chain as a whole, making the lowest-ranking role the default, the ergative pattern.

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                                                                              The marker of the sole argument S of an intransitive. S is unranked, so by (33c) it follows the default that the viewpoint selects by (32), and takes the marker of that role.

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                                                                                Linking by viewpoint derives the split #

                                                                                The composed mechanism reproduces the Yukatek split recorded in the Fragment's sArgumentMarker: perfective status → ergative (set-B), imperfective → accusative (set-A).

                                                                                Linking pattern under transitivization #

                                                                                By rule (26), transitivizing an internally-caused base nucleativizes an applied object as P while the base's S is maintained, surfacing as the A of the derived transitive clause. This is Creissels' P-applicativization over an intransitive base.

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                                                                                  By rule (27), transitivizing an externally-caused base nucleativizes an instigator as A, the base's S surfacing as P. This is the causative unchanged.

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                                                                                    The alternation a Yukatek verb undergoes under transitivization.

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                                                                                      The role the added participant receives, read off the alternation.

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                                                                                        The base's S receives the role of the derived slot its participant occupies.

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                                                                                          Under transitivization the participant of an internally-caused base occupies the causing process (26), and that of an externally-caused base the caused event (27).

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                                                                                            Under transitivization (26)–(27) and the hierarchy (31), the base's participant takes the role of the subevent it occupies and the added participant that of the other, so the instigator of an internally-caused process outranks the added argument, and the participant of an externally-caused event is outranked by it.

                                                                                            Applicative and causative linking are mirror images, and not by stipulation: each alternation adds a participant in the role the other leaves to the base's S, so the marker one assigns to the added argument is the marker the other assigns to the original S.

                                                                                            The marker each participant receives follows from its role by markerOf: the applicative adds a set-B argument and keeps the base's S as set A, the causative the reverse.

                                                                                            Both transitivizations are valency-increasing, which the detransitivizations of (28)–(30) are not — the two halves of the system are one mechanism read in two directions.

                                                                                            The added participant of a verb takes P under applicative linking and A under causative linking.

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                                                                                              Transitivizing suffix vs linking #

                                                                                              The overt transitivizing suffix is lexically specified and usually tracks the linking pattern, but the two can dissociate — the paper's central argument against aspect-based linking. The suffix is paper-specific lexical data, so it is recorded here against the Fragment's entries rather than in the Fragment.

                                                                                              A transitivizing suffix is the applicative -t or the causative -s.

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                                                                                                  The suffix each verb the paper documents takes under transitivization (4), (5), (6), (7), (8), (9), (10), (11). The suffix is lexically idiosyncratic, since balak' and péek are both active and externally caused yet take -t and -s respectively.

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                                                                                                    The suffix of a documented verb; none for verbs the paper does not exemplify.

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                                                                                                      The verbs whose transitivization the paper exemplifies.

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                                                                                                        What determines the linking #

                                                                                                        Causation type determines the alternation by rules (26)–(27). The paper's argument is that the properties competing accounts appeal to do not: each of lexical aspect (which is what [KW99]'s rule (14) reads), stem class, and the overt suffix leaves the linking open, witnessed by a minimal pair of documented verbs.

                                                                                                        Causation type settles the alternation.

                                                                                                        Lexical aspect does not settle the alternation. Meyah 'work' and balak' 'roll' are both processes, with the same template, and they link differently, the counterexample to rule (14), which reads only lexical aspect ((4) vs (10)).

                                                                                                        Stem class does not settle it either. Hàan 'eat' and kim 'die' are both inactive, and they link differently ((9) vs (6)).

                                                                                                        Nor does the overt suffix. Meyah and balak' both take -t, and they link differently: "balak' takes the applicative suffix –t when transitivized. However, the linking properties of the transitivized stem balak'-t are those of a causativized stem" (§6).

                                                                                                        Nor does the suffix follow from causation type and stem class: balak' and péek agree on both and still differ in suffix ((8), (10)) — the dissociation runs in both directions.

                                                                                                        Every documented verb links by its causation type: those with internally-caused bases add a P, the rest an A.

                                                                                                        Degree achievements: event type vs aspect #

                                                                                                        Degree achievements are event-structurally state changes, not processes, even though they behave atelically. The class takes the resultative -a'n ((19), ka'n-a'n-en 'I'm very tired') and incorporates the universal quantifier láah ((20), lúub-láah 'they fell completely'), which active intransitives do not, despite behaving atelically under (15) (§5).

                                                                                                        Degree achievements transitivize like state-change verbs, adding an instigator as A rather than an applied object as P. This is the first direct counterevidence against Kraemer and Wunderlich's aspect-based linking, whose rule (14) treats them with the process verbs and so predicts applicativization; they causativize like every other state-change verb ((17) lists the class, (21) derives lúub 'fall').

                                                                                                        hàan 'eat' is inactive by stem class yet internally caused, and it applicativizes ((9)): if stem class determined transitivization it would causativize like kim 'die'.

                                                                                                        Bridge to detransitivization #

                                                                                                        The three Yukatek detransitivizations are instances of the cross-linguistic valency-alternation typology (Syntax/Voice/Alternation.lean). That substrate keeps passive and anticausative distinct by the fate of the initial A — passive denucleativizes it (retained in participant structure as a possible oblique agent), anticausative suppresses it (removed entirely).

                                                                                                        The detransitivizations of Yukatek are those of rules (28)–(30). The antipassive (28) removes the caused event and retains the causing process, and active intransitives inflect like antipassive stems. The anticausative (29) removes the causing event and retains the caused one, and inactive intransitives inflect like anticausative stems. The passive (30) is like the anticausative but adds PROC_C and an instigator to the caused event.

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                                                                                                            Each Yukatek detransitivization is a cross-linguistic valency alternation. The antipassive denucleativizes P and makes A the S, the anticausative suppresses A and makes P the S, and the passive denucleativizes A but retains it and makes P the S.

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                                                                                                              All three detransitivizations are valency-decreasing, as in the antipassive p'èeh, the passive p'e'h-el and the anticausative p'éeh-el of p'eh 'chip' (12).

                                                                                                              The fate of the initial A separates the passive from the anticausative, a distinction the coarser intransitivization typology collapses. The passive denucleativizes A, which stays in participant structure, and the anticausative suppresses it.

                                                                                                              The subevent a detransitivized stem denotes #

                                                                                                              "Antipassives denote the causing event, while anticausatives and passives denote the caused event" (§6): each detransitivization keeps one subevent of its base's causal chain, whose participant is the derived stem's sole argument. (29) and (30) leave open whether the caused event is a state change, and the contact verbs that passivize and anticausativize may not entail one.

                                                                                                              A stem detransitivized by d denotes the subevent d.retained, the causing event for the antipassive (28) and the caused event for the anticausative and the passive ((29)–(30)). The passive differs from the anticausative in participant structure, not in the subevent it denotes.

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                                                                                                                The initial role of the participant that a voice's derived construction privileges.

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                                                                                                                  The sole argument of a detransitivized stem is the participant of the subevent it denotes, in the role (33) gives that subevent: the S of an antipassive was the A, that of an anticausative or a passive the P.

                                                                                                                  The rest of the inventory #

                                                                                                                  The Fragment's externally-caused verbs span three stem classes, the manner-of-motion and sound-emission actives, the positionals ((25)) and the inactive degree achievements ((17)).

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                                                                                                                    Each of them is externally caused whatever its stem class, and so adds an instigator as A: stem class varies across the list while the linking does not.

                                                                                                                    Bridge to split ergativity #

                                                                                                                    Yukatek's split is aspect-conditioned like that of Hindi-Urdu, the completive aligning as the Hindi-Urdu perfective does.

                                                                                                                    Stem classes vs Lucy's root classes #

                                                                                                                    [Luc94] classifies underived Yukatek roots by required transitiviser; this paper's five stem classes cut the same lexicon by status inflection. The comparison lives here because the paper engages Lucy's analysis directly — §5 argues degree achievements defeat its Vendlerian construal of these classes.

                                                                                                                    salienceClassOf c is the salience class of Lucy's that the stem class c corresponds to. The map is partial. inchoative stems derive from adjectival roots (completive -chah), which Lucy holds outside the predicate-root cut, and positional roots form Lucy's separate cross-cutting class (completive -lah); the two stem classes share only the anomalous incompletive -tal.

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                                                                                                                      Where the two samples share a lexeme, stem class and Lucy's derived root class agree, for kim kíim 'die', lúub lúub' 'fall' and na'k ~ ná'ak 'ascend'.

                                                                                                                      Hàan 'eat' defeats a purely transitiviser-based classification. Its stem class maps to patient salient, yet it transitivizes with applicative -t, the exponent Lucy's diagnostic reads as agent salient. The suffix tracks internal causation, not class (9).

                                                                                                                      Péek is active in this paper's classification, a manner-of-motion process with idiosyncratic causative -s, but a #-marked state-change root in Lucy's (4), so the two sources classify the same root differently.