Kadmon and Landman (1993): Any #
Kadmon and Landman analyze any CN as the indefinite a CN with its domain widened along a contextual dimension, licensed only when the widening makes the statement stronger, a condition checked at the narrowest operator over the indefinite; free-choice any is the same item under a generic interpretation. Widening weakens an existential, so strengthening holds exactly under an antitone context, which is why Ladusaw's downward-entailing contexts license. Adversatives are downward entailing on a constant perspective, a negated because-clause licenses only by metalinguistic denial, and conditional antecedents strengthen once the implicit restriction is fixed. The generic restriction is a vague property set whose precisifications give the normality of GEN.
Main results #
de_satisfies_strengthening,ue_widening_weakens,ladusaw_de_is_kl_strengthening: widening strengthens under an antitone context and weakens under a monotone one, so Ladusaw's contexts are strengthening contexts.strengthening_sorryThat,not_strengthening_wants: sorry licenses any and glad does not.widening_satisfies_conditional_strengthening: conditional antecedents strengthen.rows_agree: the paper's judgments follow its classification.any_cn_dimensionally_universal,domain_vague_allows_exceptions: widening makes any CN universal along its dimension, and domain vagueness lets a generic tolerate exceptions.almost_rows: almost modifies domain-precise and dimensionally universal noun phrases.genericSubTrue_not_superTrue_iff_indet: on a finite precisification space, exception tolerance is Fine's borderline status.
Implementation notes #
- The rows record, at the narrowest operator over any, a substrate
LicensingContextwhere one exists and otherwise the local entailment signature; the settle-for-less and metalinguistic readings are the paper's own annotations, sorows_agreechecks the paper's classification against its judgments rather than deriving those two readings. - The vague-restriction apparatus is
Set-based; on a finite enumeration of the precisifications, supervaluation isSignType.supervaluationover it.
References #
The strengthening condition #
K&L's component (C): any is licensed only if widening creates a stronger
statement. For a context C and domains D ⊆ D', the wide interpretation
must entail the narrow: C (∃x∈D', Px) ⊆ C (∃x∈D, Px). This holds exactly
when C is antitone, which is why DE contexts license — and why widening in
UE contexts, where it weakens, leaves any unlicensed.
The existential over a domain D is ∃ x ∈ D, P x.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.existsInDomain D P w = ∃ x ∈ D, P x w
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Widening the domain weakens the existential.
K&L's strengthening condition holds when widening the domain D to D' in context C
creates a stronger statement, the wide interpretation entailing the narrow one.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.Strengthening C D D' P = (C (KadmonLandman1993.existsInDomain D' P) ⊆ C (KadmonLandman1993.existsInDomain D P))
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In a DE (antitone) context, strengthening is automatic. K&L note that for many examples this makes the same predictions as [Lad79], while explaining why DE contexts license, since widening must strengthen and DE reverses entailment.
In a UE (monotone) context, widening weakens — the opposite of strengthening. This is K&L's explanation for why any is out in plain positive contexts.
Compatibility with Ladusaw 1979 #
Each context's licensing mechanism is read off its licenser (PolarityItem.Licenser.mechanism),
so this file's classification cannot drift from the semantics. K&L's classification refines
[Lad79]'s: every Ladusaw-DE context is a strengthening context, but K&L additionally
explain adversative predicates (DE on a constant perspective) and conditionals with implicit
restrictions.
Ladusaw-DE contexts are K&L strengthening contexts; Ladusaw describes where NPIs occur, and K&L explain why.
Adversative predicates: sorry vs glad #
K&L §3.3 reduce the adversatives to want on a constant perspective: being sorry that A is
wanting A false, and being glad that A is wanting A. Wanting a set empty entails wanting each
of its subsets empty, so sorry satisfies the strengthening condition; wanting a set inhabited does
not entail wanting each subset inhabited, so glad does not.
On a perspective whose best worlds at w are best w, one wants A at w when those best
worlds are A-worlds. Being glad that A is wanting A.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.wants best A = {w : World | best w ⊆ A}
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Being sorry that A is wanting A false on the same perspective.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.sorryThat best A = KadmonLandman1993.wants best Aᶜ
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Sorry satisfies the strengthening condition, so it licenses any.
Glad fails the strengthening condition, so it does not license any. The best world bought
the false car, so one is glad that some car was bought but not that the true car was.
Conditional antecedents #
K&L §3.5 treat conditionals and adversatives as one pattern — DE with a
parameter held constant (the implicit restriction, resp. the perspective);
in mathlib terms, Antitone (f param) for fixed param. Under the
restrictor analysis of conditionals (cf. [Kra86]), the antecedent of
conditional necessity is classically DE once the modal base is fixed, so
widening the antecedent domain strengthens the conditional.
Conditional antecedents satisfy strengthening, since conditional necessity is DE in its antecedent with the modal base held constant. In K&L's (143), If John subscribes to any newspaper, he gets well informed, widening newspaper to include unimportant newspapers strengthens the conditional.
A conditional with an implicit restriction (K&L's (147)) is true when every relevant case satisfying the restriction and the antecedent satisfies the consequent.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.conditionalWithRestriction restriction antecedent consequent = ∀ (c : Case), restriction c → antecedent c → consequent c
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Widening always satisfies strengthening in conditional antecedents (K&L §3.5.3). Natural-language conditionals are not classically DE — their (140) does not entail (141) — because the implicit restriction can shift. But the restriction cannot undo the effect of widening, so the wide restriction is never stronger than the narrow one, and then the wide conditional entails the narrow one. Strengthening inferences "do always go through, because of the relation between the restrictions of the premise and of the conclusion. The two restrictions are always the same, except that the restriction of the premise may be somewhat weaker (but never stronger), as dictated by the widening", in K&L's words.
Negated because-clauses: metalinguistic licensing #
K&L §3.4, contra [Lin87a]: not because [S_] is not DE (because
[S_] is not UE, so negating it yields no DE context), while not because of [NP_] is DE and licenses any freely — (122)/(123) need no negative
implication. In because [S_], any is licensed only metalinguistically:
the negation denies because's factive presupposition, and any strengthens
that denial. Merely implying the denial is not enough — the rhetorical
conditional (132) can imply it but lacks the metalinguistic denial, and any
is out. This is the paper's only genuinely non-DE licensing mechanism.
FC any as generic indefinite #
K&L's component (FC): PS any is a regular indefinite, FC any a generic indefinite; the apparent universal force of FC any emerges from genericity plus widening (§4.3). The episodic/generic split below is projected from the substrate's mechanism classification. K&L themselves analyze only plain generics like (10) and tentatively extend to modals; routing imperatives and free relatives through the generic mechanism follows the substrate, not K&L's text (they explicitly defer directives to later work and never discuss free relatives).
The indefinite containing any is interpreted episodically (PS any) or generically (FC any).
- episodic : AnyInterpretation
- generic : AnyInterpretation
Instances For
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instDecidableEqAnyInterpretation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The interpretation of any in a licensing context is projected from the licensing mechanism, and is generic exactly when the substrate classifies the context as licensed by the generic indefinite.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Vague restrictions and precisifications #
K&L §4.1: every owl is domain precise — context determines a unique
domain — while generic an owl is domain vague: the normalcy restriction
is inherently underspecified, and different precisifications yield different
domains. This is what lets generics tolerate exceptions ("a poodle gives live
birth" survives male poodles). The Set-based notions are stated locally
because the supervaluation substrate (SignType.supervaluation) is
Finset-based for computability; the finite case is below.
A vague restriction ⟨v₀, V⟩ (K&L §4.1) is a precise part, the properties known to hold, together with its consistent completions, each extending the precise part, which is itself a minimal precisification.
- precise : Set Property
The precise part holds the properties definitely in the restriction.
- precisifications : Set (Set Property)
The consistent ways to complete the restriction.
- extends_precise (v : Set Property) : v ∈ self.precisifications → self.precise ⊆ v
Every precisification extends the precise part.
- precise_mem : self.precise ∈ self.precisifications
The precise part is itself a (minimal) precisification.
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The domain induced by a property set is the set of entities satisfying every property.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.domainOf props apply = {e : Entity | ∀ P ∈ props, e ∈ apply P}
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A restriction is domain precise (K&L (164)) when every precisification determines the same domain as the precise part.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.isDomainPrecise X apply = ∀ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.domainOf v apply = KadmonLandman1993.domainOf X.precise apply
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A restriction is domain vague when it is not domain precise, so that some precisifications yield different domains.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.isDomainVague X apply = ¬KadmonLandman1993.isDomainPrecise X apply
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If every precisification equals the precise part, the restriction is domain precise — the case of every and no.
Widening along a dimension (K&L (174)) removes the properties on the dimension from the precise part and from every precisification.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Widening weakens the restriction, the widened precise part being a subset of the original.
Widening expands the domain, since with fewer constraints more entities qualify. This is the restriction-weakening half of K&L §3.5.3, that the restriction cannot undo the effect of widening.
Dimensional universality #
K&L (175)–(177): after widening along a dimension {P, ¬P}, no entity is excluded on the basis of that dimension, so the quantifier is universal with respect to it. Any CN is dimensionally universal; generic a CN is not. Since almost requires a domain-precise universal or a dimensionally universal NP, this derives almost any owl vs ungrammatical almost an owl (§4.3).
A restriction is universal with respect to a dimension (K&L (175)) when, after widening along the dimension, every entity in the base denotation is in the domain.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.universalWrtDimension X onDimension apply baseDenotation = (baseDenotation ⊆ KadmonLandman1993.domainOf (KadmonLandman1993.widenAlong X onDimension).precise apply)
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A dimension is non-trivial on a base set (K&L (176)) when some entity satisfies a property on the dimension and some entity fails one.
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A restriction is dimensionally universal (K&L (177)) when it is universal with respect to some non-trivial dimension.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Any CN is dimensionally universal (K&L §4.3), since widening along a non-trivial dimension yields universality with respect to that dimension.
If every precise property is on the dimension, widening empties the precise part, K&L's case where any CN becomes not only universal with respect to the dimension but truly universal.
Generic quantification as vague universality #
K&L §4.1.1: a generic is a universal restricted by a vague set of properties, "An owl hunts mice"
being ∀ ↾ X_owl(Owl)(Hunts mice), (158) and (159), which (161) glosses as all normal owls hunt
mice, with what counts as normal inherently vague. The vague set plays the part of GEN's
normality: a precisification induces a Genericity.Normality, whose normal owls are the owls
with its properties, and the generic under a precisification is GEN under that normality.
Exception tolerance is the freedom to choose another precisification.
Under the normality a precisification induces (161), the normal instances of a restrictor are those with every property of the precisification.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.precisificationNormality apply = Genericity.Normality.ofAccess fun (x : Set Property) => KadmonLandman1993.domainOf x apply
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Under one precisification, the generic (159) holds when every instance of the restrictor with the precisified properties satisfies the scope, GEN under the normality the precisification induces.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply R scope v = (v ∈ (KadmonLandman1993.precisificationNormality apply).gen R {e : Entity | scope e})
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A generic is supervaluationistically true when it is true under every precisification.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericSuperTrue X apply R scope = ∀ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply R scope v
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A generic is subvaluationistically true when it is true under some precisification, the exception-tolerant reading.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.genericSubTrue X apply R scope = ∃ v ∈ X.precisifications, KadmonLandman1993.genericTrue apply R scope v
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Domain vagueness yields two precisifications with different domains — the room generics need for legitimate exceptions.
K&L explain exception tolerance. If the restriction is domain vague and the generic is subvaluationistically true, then there are precisifications with different domains and the generic holds under one of them, so an apparent counterexample may fall outside the domain under the operative precisification.
Grounding in Fine 1975 supervaluation #
When the precisification set is finite, K&L's truth notions are
[Fin75]'s: genericSuperTrue is super-truth on the induced
specification space, and the exception-tolerance zone — sub-true but not
super-true — is exactly Fine's borderline status, supervaluation value 0. "A poodle gives
live birth" is Fine-indefinite and K&L-assertable.
On a finite precisification space, K&L's supervaluationist truth is [Fin75]'s super-truth.
K&L's exception-tolerance zone is Fine's borderline zone. A generic that is subvaluationistically but not supervaluationistically true is exactly one whose supervaluation status is indefinite, assertable for K&L and borderline for [Fin75].
The almost test #
K&L: almost modifies domain-precise true universal quantifiers (∀ or ¬∃) and, after §4.3, dimensionally universal NPs. Some owl is domain precise (K&L p. 412 group it with every owl and no owl) but not universal, so almost some owl is out; generic an owl has universal force but a vague domain; any owl is rescued by dimensional universality.
The domain precision of a noun phrase's restriction, Section 4.1.2.
- precise : DomainPrecision
- vague : DomainPrecision
Instances For
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instDecidableEqDomainPrecision x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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An almost row records the noun phrase, its precision, whether it is a true universal and whether it is dimensionally universal, and the judgment.
- precision : DomainPrecision
- universal : Bool
- dimUniversal : Bool
- ok : Bool
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An almost row from the paper's features.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The almost data of Sections 4.1.1 and 4.3.
Equations
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Almost modifies a domain-precise true universal or a dimensionally universal noun phrase, such as every owl, no owl and any owl, but not some owl nor generic an owl.
The licensing data #
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instDecidableEqContext x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.instReprContext = { reprPrec := KadmonLandman1993.instReprContext.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The library's licensing context a row's context is.
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.Context.negation.toLicensingContext = PolarityItem.LicensingContext.negation
- KadmonLandman1993.Context.generic.toLicensingContext = PolarityItem.LicensingContext.generic
- KadmonLandman1993.Context.universalRestrictor.toLicensingContext = PolarityItem.LicensingContext.universalRestrictor
- KadmonLandman1993.Context.adversative.toLicensingContext = PolarityItem.LicensingContext.adversative
- KadmonLandman1993.Context.conditionalAntecedent.toLicensingContext = PolarityItem.LicensingContext.conditionalAntecedent
Instances For
A licensing row records the context at the narrowest operator over any, a licensing context or a local entailment signature, the settle-for-less and metalinguistic-denial readings, and the judgment.
- context : Option Context
- localSignature : NaturalLogic.Signature
- settleForLess : Bool
- metalinguistic : Bool
- grammatical : Bool
Instances For
Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf "negation" = some KadmonLandman1993.Context.negation
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf "generic" = some KadmonLandman1993.Context.generic
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf "universalRestrictor" = some KadmonLandman1993.Context.universalRestrictor
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf "adversative" = some KadmonLandman1993.Context.adversative
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf "conditionalAntecedent" = some KadmonLandman1993.Context.conditionalAntecedent
- KadmonLandman1993.contextOf x✝ = none
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Equations
- KadmonLandman1993.signatureOf "all" = some NaturalLogic.Signature.all
- KadmonLandman1993.signatureOf "mono" = some NaturalLogic.Signature.mono
- KadmonLandman1993.signatureOf "anti" = some NaturalLogic.Signature.anti
- KadmonLandman1993.signatureOf "mult" = some NaturalLogic.Signature.mult
- KadmonLandman1993.signatureOf x✝ = none
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A row from the paper's features.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The licensing data of Sections 1 to 3.
Equations
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On the paper's own data, any is grammatical exactly when its context licenses it, as a downward-entailing or a generic context, or the local signature is downward entailing, so widening strengthens, or it is read as settling for less under glad, or as a metalinguistic denial under a negated because.