Heim (2001): Degree Operators and Scope #
Heim asks how far a degree phrase moves at LF, given the max semantics of the comparative, on
which -er than t says that the greatest degree of its
argument exceeds t, Degree.MaxIn (Ioi t), and a DegP scopes under a quantifier or over it,
Degree.LowScope and Degree.HighScope. Over a monotone increasing quantifier on a finite
domain the two scopes coincide and under a monotone decreasing one the maximum is undefined,
so the exactly-differential and less, whose intervals are not upper sets, are the
diagnostic cases: under every girl their high scope is a weaker reading the sentence lacks,
which Kennedy's generalization, the Heim–Kennedy constraint Degree.IsHeimKennedy,
excludes, while over the intensional verbs both scopes are attested. For the neg-raising verbs
the maximum redefined as the greatest lower bound of the false degrees collapses the scopes
(negRaising_collapse), and -est, using its complement twice, is the absolute superlative
(est_iff_absoluteSuperlative).
Implementation notes #
- Quantifiers over individuals and over worlds are the same
Quantifier.NP, so the intensional cases of Sections 2.1 and 2.3 are the theorems at a type of worlds. - A high-scope truth condition carries the definedness presupposition of the maximum as an existence conjunct; the paper's undefined maxima are the negations of those conjuncts.
- The de re and de dicto than-clauses of Section 2.4 are von Stechow's diagnosis and
are formalized in
Studies/VonStechow1984.lean; the examples are typed inData/Examples/Heim2001.json.
References #
Monotone increasing quantifiers #
On a finite domain the two scopes of an upper-interval DegP under every girl coincide, the
comparative (10) at Ioi t, the equative (13a) at Ici t, and, at a type of worlds, the
necessity operator (16) (Section 2.1).
Likewise under some girl, (12), (13b), and the possibility operator (15b).
Monotone decreasing and non-monotone operators #
The degrees to which Mary is not tall have no maximum (17c).
The degrees to which at most two girls are tall have no maximum (18c).
The maximal degree to which exactly two girls are tall, when defined, is the maximal degree to which at least two are, so the high scope (20c) means at least two girls are taller than 5 feet (20).
Exactly-differentials and less #
Under every girl the low scope entails the high one at every interval, the shortest girl
attaining the maximum, so (22c) is weaker than (22b) at {t}, (24c) than (24b) at Iio t,
and at a type of worlds (28c) than (28b) and (30c) than (30b).
Under some girl the high scope entails the low one at every interval, the tallest girl being a witness, so (21c) is stronger than (21b), and at a type of worlds (29c) than (29b) and (31c) than (31b).
The high scope is true and the low scope false when the shortest girl is exactly 4'1'' and another is taller, so every girl is exactly 1'' taller than that is false there and (22c) is no reading of it (22).
The high scope of every girl is less tall than that says only that the shortest girl is, and is true where the sentence is false (24).
Intensional verbs #
The paper is required to be less long than t with the DegP over required says that the paper is not required to be as long as t (30c).
The paper is allowed to be less long than t with the DegP over allowed says that the paper is not allowed to be as long as t (31c).
With the maximum of (35), I want the paper to be less long than t with the DegP over want says that the greatest lower bound of the lengths the paper is desired not to have, those no desired world reaches, is below t, which is the low-scope reading (36a).
The superlative #
The entry for -est (59a), λx. max{d : R(x, d)} > max{d : ∃y ≠ x. R(y, d)}, over a
monotone adjective and a comparison class C is the max-quantified comparative of x against
the other members.
Equations
- Heim2001.est μ C x = Degree.MaxComparative Degree.Comparison.gt (fun (x_1 : Entity) => x_1 = x) (fun (y : Entity) => y ∈ C ∧ y ≠ x) μ
Instances For
Over a comparison class with someone else in it, -est is the absolute superlative (59).