von Stechow (1984): Comparing Semantic Theories of Comparison #
Von Stechow compares eight semantic theories of the comparative against his own synthesis, in which a than-clause denotes a Russellian definite description of a degree and may carry an ACTUALLY operator. Russell's yacht ambiguity is the presence or absence of ACTUALLY in the than-clause, a disjunctive than-clause entails both disjuncts, a modal comparative compares maxima over the accessible worlds, and Klein's degree-free ordering agrees with degree comparison on simple comparatives but not on differentials and factor phrases.
Main results #
deDicto_absurd: the de dicto reading of the yacht sentence (1) is contradictory.disjunction_to_conjunction_in_than: a disjunctive than-clause entails both disjuncts, (v).maxDeg_witness: a modal comparative compares maxima over the accessible worlds, (x).klein_agrees_on_simple: Klein's ordering agrees with degree comparison on simple comparatives, (171).moreSem_exceeds_counterfactual_worlds: too (R13) is the additive more of R4 against a counterfactually determined threshold, (227).
Implementation notes #
Degrees form a linear order, with the additive or multiplicative structure the rule at hand
needs; measures are world-indexed where ACTUALLY matters and extensional otherwise. The
descriptive-adequacy table (xvii) over the eight theories is not transcribed, and the rules R6
to R12 for the positive, nominal, mass and adverbial comparatives are not formalized. The
paper's examples are the rows of Data.Examples.VonStechow1984.
References #
Intensional degree semantics (§§II–V) #
deReComparative vs deDictoComparative is von Stechow's analysis of
Russell's ambiguity ((1), Examples.yacht): the than-clause standard is
either ACTUALLY-anchored to the actual world or evaluated in the belief
world — no degree-operator scope is involved. The ambiguous counterfactual
((26), Examples.ex26, §III) works the same way: its trivial reading's
clauses are de dicto self-comparisons, contradictory by deDicto_absurd.
The comparative between world-indexed measures, R3, holds when a exceeds b at w.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.intensionalComparative μ w a b = (μ w a > μ w b)
Instances For
A rigid measure reduces intensionalComparative to the extensional comparison of the two
measures.
On the de re reading of I thought your yacht was larger than it is the than-clause standard is
ACTUALLY-anchored, evaluated at the actual world w₀, while the matrix is evaluated at the belief
world wBel.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.deReComparative μ w₀ wBel x = (μ wBel x > μ w₀ x)
Instances For
The de dicto reading has no ACTUALLY, so standard and matrix are both evaluated at wBel.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.deDictoComparative μ wBel x = (μ wBel x > μ wBel x)
Instances For
The de dicto reading is contradictory.
In (v) (Examples.exV, §§VI–VII) a disjunctive standard entails both disjuncts, the
downward-entailingness of the than-clause that also licenses its NPIs
(Ladusaw1979.IsDownwardEntailing .clausalComparative).
In a polar bear could be bigger than a grizzly bear could be ((x), Examples.exX, §VIII), if
the greatest possible A-degree over the accessible worlds exceeds the greatest possible B-degree,
some accessible A-world beats every B-world.
Klein's degree-free ordering ([Kle80]; §XI) matches degree
comparison on simple comparatives via Delineation.ofMeasure; the divergence
is confined to differential and factor constructions ((171a)–(171c)).
Synthesis rule R4 makes ⟦more⟧(d₁)(A⁰)(d₂)(x) hold iff A⁰(x, d₁ + d₂) with monotone A⁰,
the differential d₁ plus the than-clause maximum d₂.
Equations
- VonStechow1984.moreSem μ x d₁ d₂ = (d₁ + d₂ ≤ μ x)
Instances For
Synthesis rule R5 makes ⟦as⟧ multiply where R4 adds (twice as fat, (171b)).
Equations
- VonStechow1984.asSem μ x d₁ d₂ = (d₁ * d₂ ≤ μ x)
Instances For
R4 with a positive differential and d₂ = μ b yields the bare
comparative.
An exact differential entails R4's at-least semantics.
R5 at factor 1 is the equative.
A tight factor phrase entails R5's at-least semantics.
Synthesis rule R13 (§XIII) is
⟦too⟧(d₁)(A⁰)(p)(x) = the max.d [x is d-A⁰] λd₂ [p □→ A⁰(x, d₂ − d₁)], so too is R4's
moreSem with a counterfactually determined threshold (DegP head Degree.Head.excessive); when
the threshold is greatest over the accessible worlds, being excess too A puts the actual degree
above every accessible world's degree.