Grubic (2015): Focus and Alternative Sensitivity in Ngamo #
Grubic analyses the Ngamo alternative-sensitive particles of chapter 7 against the data of
chapter 6, the rows of Data.Examples.Grubic2015, in a question-under-discussion framework. The
exclusive yak('i) has Coppock and Beaver's entry for exclusives, the substrate's
Focus.Particles.only: it presupposes that some alternative at least as strong as the prejacent
on a salient scale is true and asserts that no true alternative is stronger. The additive
ke('e) has no truth-conditional content and presupposes a salient antecedent about a different
topic situation, and the scalar har('i) asserts its prejacent and presupposes that a contextual
implication of it ranks highest among its alternatives.
Main results #
prejacent_projects: on an entailment scale, the complement-exclusion reading, the presupposition of yak('i) entails the prejacent, which therefore projects through negation.posExt_only_conjunctions: over the conjunctions of independent atomic answers yak('i) is defined and true exactly where the prejacent holds and every other atom fails.ke_eq_zero_of_anaphoric: parallel background-marked antecedents, being anaphoric, cannot supply the antecedent of ke('e).
Implementation notes #
The scale is a relation S q p read as q at least as strong as p, the entailment scale
being (· ⊆ ·); the VP and NP variants (5) and (6), which reach the propositional entry by the
Geach rule, are not repeated. Topic situations are abstracted to a map from answers to a type
of situations, so that the non-overlap of (45) is distinctness. The association facts of
section 6.2, on which yak('i) alone associates with focus conventionally, are data rows and
not theorems.
References #
The exclusive yak('i), section 7.1 #
Negation leaves the presupposition in place, so not only Dimza built a house still has Dimza building a house (29); on a rank-order scale, where alternatives need not entail the prejacent, nothing of the kind follows.
The answers of (11) are the nonempty conjunctions of a set of atomic answers.
Equations
- Grubic2015.conjunctions atoms = {q : Set W | ∃ A ⊆ atoms, A.Nonempty ∧ q = ⋂₀ A}
Instances For
Over the conjunctions of atomic answers, the truth set of yak('i) on the entailment scale
is the prejacent with no other atom true, the exhaustification Exhaustification.exh over the
atoms ((166) and (25)).
The additive ke('e), section 7.3 #
ke('e) 'also' (45) makes no truth-conditional contribution and presupposes a salient antecedent about a different topic situation, one that need not itself be true (46).
Equations
- Grubic2015.ke p salient topic = {_w : W | ∃ q ∈ salient, topic q ≠ topic p}.indicator fun (w : W) => SignType.ofProp (w ∈ p)
Instances For
When every salient antecedent is anaphoric to the host's topic situation, as parallel background-marked antecedents are by default, ke('e) is undefined ((44) and (49)).
The scalar har('i), section 7.2 #
A contextual implication (18) is entailed by the common ground updated with the prejacent but not by the common ground alone.
Equations
- Grubic2015.CImpl p CG q = (¬CG ⊆ q ∧ CG ∩ p ⊆ q)
Instances For
har('i) 'even' (17) asserts the prejacent and presupposes that some contextual implication of it ranks highest among its alternatives on the salient scale.
Equations
- Grubic2015.har S p CG alt = {w : W | ∃ (q : Set W), Grubic2015.CImpl p CG q ∧ ∀ q' ∈ alt q, w ∈ q' → S q q'}.indicator fun (w : W) => SignType.ofProp (w ∈ p)
Instances For
At a world of the common ground where the prejacent holds, the implication har('i) presupposes holds as well, so the scale is anchored by a true alternative.