Goldberg and Jackendoff (2004): The English Resultative as a Family of Constructions #
Goldberg and Jackendoff analyze the English resultative as a family of constructions. A resultative has a verbal subevent supplied by the verb and a constructional subevent supplied by the construction, in which a host comes to have the property the result phrase names or traverses the path it names, caused by the subject in the transitive cases. The constructional subevent controls the aspect of the sentence: the event measures out the result phrase's path, so an end-bounded result phrase makes a resultative telic and one that is not leaves an activity atelic. Under the principle of semantic coherence a verb role unifies with a constructional role only if it can be construed as an instance of it, so the intransitive path resultative admits more verbs than the intransitive property resultative.
Main definitions #
Subconstruction: the four subconstructions of the family.resultative: the resultative over a path trace.Row.Coheres: the coherence of a row's roles with those of its construction.
Main results #
qua_resultative: an end-bounded result phrase makes the resultative telic.cum_resultative: a result phrase that is not end-bounded leaves an activity atelic.rows_for_adverbial: the for-adverbial is acceptable exactly on the atelic rows.coheres_noncausative_path: the intransitive path resultative is the more liberal.rows_coherence: outside the telicity tests, a row is acceptable exactly when its roles cohere.
Implementation notes #
The verbal and constructional subevents are identified as one event, the paper's cotemporal means
(§4.2). End-boundedness is rendered by quantization and its absence by cumulativity, the reading
Krifka gives the event-path homomorphism that the paper takes from Jackendoff. The path of an event
is its spatial trace Event.σ, and its preservation of sums a hypothesis. The paper labels result
phrases only as AP or PP; a row's subconstruction follows the summary (97), where a PP naming a
state (into pieces, to death) is a property result phrase, and the paper presents the examples
(49) as transitive spatial resultatives. A row's subjectRole and objectRole are the paper's
construals of the verb's arguments, per verb and referent: whether the argument is something that
acts, an agent, or something to which something happens, a patient.
TODO #
- The temporal relations the subevent relation allows (33): a means does not follow the subevent it effects, and a result does not precede its cause.
- Full argument realization (37), which excludes (41d) and (43b,c).
- The stative extension readings (25), and the follow subconstructions (52), (55) and (56), which are transitive but not causative.
References #
The family #
Whether the result phrase names a property the host comes to have or a path it traverses.
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.instDecidableEqRPType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A Subconstruction of the summary (97) records whether the subject causes the host's change,
and what the result phrase names. The causative ones are X CAUSE [Y BECOME Z] and
X CAUSE [Y GO Path], the noncausative ones X BECOME Y and X GO Path.
- causative : Bool
Whether the subject causes the change of the host, which is then the object.
- rp : RPType
What the result phrase names.
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How the object of a transitive resultative is selected (§2). By §5 the fake reflexive is not grammatically special: another object is excluded because it is implausible to make someone else fall asleep by crying.
- selected : ObjectSelection
The verb selects the object: The gardener watered the flowers flat, (7a).
- unselected : ObjectSelection
Only the construction licenses the object: They drank the pub dry, (8a).
- fakeReflexive : ObjectSelection
An unselected reflexive that alternates with no other object, as in We yelled ourselves hoarse, (9a).
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.instDecidableEqObjectSelection x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Semantic coherence #
The principle of semantic coherence (44): a verb role, given by the roles it can be construed as, unifies with a constructional role, given by the roles that are instances of it, only if some construal of the verb role is an instance of the constructional role, that is, only if the two sets of roles are not disjoint.
The roles the host of the constructional subevent admits (§6.2). The host of BECOME and a caused host are patients, while the host of an uncaused GO is agent or patient, as the subject of an intransitive motion verb is.
Equations
- { causative := false, rp := GoldbergJackendoff2004.RPType.path }.hostRoles = {ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole.agent, ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole.patient}
- x✝.hostRoles = {ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole.patient}
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s.subjectRoles is the set of roles the construction admits for its subject, an agent, the
causer, in a causative, and otherwise the host.
Equations
- s.subjectRoles = if s.causative = true then {ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole.agent} else s.hostRoles
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The intransitive path resultative is more liberal than the intransitive property resultative in the verbs it admits (§6.2): a subject role compatible with BECOME is compatible with GO.
Aspect #
resultative V R e holds when e is an event of the verb whose path σ e, the path of the
constructional subevent, is one the result phrase describes, the two subevents being
cotemporal.
Equations
- GoldbergJackendoff2004.resultative V R e = (V e ∧ R (Event.σ e))
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By the generalization (27), an end-bounded result phrase makes the resultative telic whatever the verb, when the path of a sum of events is the sum of their paths and distinct events have distinct paths.
By the generalization (27), a result phrase that is not end-bounded leaves the resultative of an activity atelic, when the path of a sum of events is the sum of their paths.
The examples #
A Row records an example's verb, subconstruction, the relation of its subevents, the object
selection of a transitive, whether the result phrase is end-bounded where the paper tests
telicity, the paper's construals of the verb's subject and object where it discusses them, and
the judgment.
- verb : English.Verbs.Verb
- subconstruction : Subconstruction
- relation : ArgumentStructure.SubeventRelation
- selection : Option ObjectSelection
- endBounded : Option Bool
- subjectRole : Option (Finset ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole)
- objectRole : Option (Finset ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole)
- judgment : Judgment
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verbs lists the paper's verbs by citation form.
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The construals of a verb role the rows record.
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The row an example encodes, when its features parse.
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rows lists the paper's examples (5)–(9), (23)–(24), (45)–(49), (97c), and wipe the table
clean.
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By §4.1, on a nonrepetitive reading the for-adverbial is acceptable exactly when the result phrase is not end-bounded, that is, when the resultative is atelic.
A row coheres when the paper's construal of the verb's subject is compatible with the construction's subject, and that of a selected object with the host.
Equations
- r.Coheres = ((∀ ρ ∈ r.subjectRole, ¬Disjoint ρ r.subconstruction.subjectRoles) ∧ ∀ ρ ∈ r.objectRole, ¬Disjoint ρ r.subconstruction.hostRoles)
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By §6.2, outside the telicity tests an example is acceptable exactly when its roles cohere.
Where the fragment derives a role label for the object from the verb's basic frame, the label is among the paper's construals: the object of wipe is a patient. The subject's label is not comparable, since a noncausative may use the verb's anticausative frame, whose subject is the basic frame's object: the melting chocolate of (48b), not the causer the fragment labels.