Documentation

Studies.Dixon1994

Dixon (1994): Ergativity #

Dixon analyzes every language in terms of three universal syntactic-semantic relations, S, A and O (§1.1). A level of grammar is ergative when it treats S like O and unlike A, and accusative when it treats S like A and unlike O (§8.2). Morphological marking may be split by the verb (§4.1), by the NP along the Nominal Hierarchy (§4.2), or by tense, aspect or mood (§4.3), and inter-clausal syntax pivots on S/A or on S/O (Chapter 6).

In an NP-conditioned split, accusative marking of O extends in from the top of the hierarchy and ergative marking of A from the bottom. The two segments meet, as in Dyirbal and Kuku-Yalanji, or overlap in a tripartite zone, as in Cashinawa and Yidiny; a gap where neither applies is unattested, type (g) of the Appendix to Chapter 4. Passive alone feeds an S/A pivot for an NP in O function and antipassive alone an S/O pivot for one in A function, so a language with a thoroughgoing S/O pivot must have an antipassive (§6.2.3). English with its S/A pivot passivizes a clause in which the common NP is O, and Dyirbal with its S/O pivot antipassivizes one in which it is A (§6.2.2).

Implementation notes #

S, A and O are ArgumentRole.S, .A and .P, following the substrate's Comrie letters, and a marking of the core relations is any function out of ArgumentRole, so that ergativity and accusativity are the identifications of S the marking makes, Alignment.IsErgative and Alignment.IsAccusative. The Nominal Hierarchy is a linear order with first person at the top; an NP-conditioned split is a marking conditioned by the position, O accusative and A ergative on two sets of positions, and its alignment at a position is the substrate's. That the accusative marking is an upper set and the ergative a lower set is the fit of the split to the hierarchy (Alignment.Fits), proved for each table rather than built into the type. The tables of §4.2 are given as cutoffs, with the optional accusative of Yidiny's proper names and kin terms counted as marking; Latin and Waga-Waga, the types with one marking absent or total, are given directly. Pivots and derivations are the framework of §6.2.1 over core functions, with the periphery as none; the constructions that satisfy a pivot without derivation, such as Dyirbal's -ŋurra and instrumentive, are recorded in the rows only. Not formalized: the markedness generalizations of §3.4, the bound-versus-free split of §4.2.1, the main-versus- subordinate split of §4.4, the universal category of subject of Chapter 5, and the mixed pivots of §6.2.4.

References #

Splits conditioned by the verb, §4.1 #

A split-S or fluid-S language divides S into two subtypes, Sa, marked like A, and So, marked like O.

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    def Dixon1994.instReprSClass.repr :
    SClass → ℕ → Std.Format
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      def Dixon1994.fluidS {I : Type u_2} (control : I → Prop) [DecidablePred control] (i : I) :

      In a fluid-S system (§4.1.2) the S of an instance of use is Sa when its referent controls the activity and So otherwise. A split-S system (§4.1.1) instead fixes a class for each verb.

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        def Dixon1994.SClass.marking {κ : Type u_1} (m : ArgumentRole → κ) :
        SClass → ArgumentRole → κ

        Under the transitive marking m, an S of class c is marked like A or like O.

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          A split system mixes the two simple patterns (§4.1.1), accusative over Sa verbs and ergative over So verbs, whenever A and O are distinguished.

          Splits conditioned by the NP: the Nominal Hierarchy, §4.2 #

          The Nominal Hierarchy (Figure 4.5) orders NPs by their likelihood of being in A rather than in O function, from first person pronouns, second person pronouns, demonstratives and third person pronouns, and proper names down to common nouns with human, animate and inanimate reference, the common nouns ordered by the animacy of their referents.

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            def Dixon1994.instDecidableEqNominal.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Nominal) :
            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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              def Dixon1994.instReprNominal.repr :
              Nominal → ℕ → Std.Format
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                The Nominal Hierarchy refines nominality.

                def Dixon1994.split {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] :
                ArgumentRole → H → Option Case

                In an NP-conditioned split (§4.2), O is marked accusative at the positions of the hierarchy where acc holds and A ergative where erg holds, and S is unmarked.

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                  theorem Dixon1994.overt_split_A {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] :
                  Alignment.overt (split acc erg) ArgumentRole.A = {p : H | erg p}
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                  theorem Dixon1994.overt_split_P {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] :
                  Alignment.overt (split acc erg) ArgumentRole.P = {p : H | acc p}
                  theorem Dixon1994.fits_split_iff {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] [Preorder H] :
                  Alignment.Fits (split acc erg) ↔ IsUpperSet {p : H | acc p} ∧ IsLowerSet {p : H | erg p}

                  A split fits the hierarchy exactly when its accusative marking is an upper set and its ergative marking a lower set.

                  theorem Dixon1994.isAccusative_split_iff {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] (p : H) :
                  (Alignment.IsAccusative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) ↔ acc p ∧ ¬erg p
                  theorem Dixon1994.isErgative_split_iff {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] (p : H) :
                  (Alignment.IsErgative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) ↔ ¬acc p ∧ erg p
                  theorem Dixon1994.isTripartite_split_iff {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] (p : H) :
                  (Alignment.IsTripartite fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) ↔ acc p ∧ erg p
                  theorem Dixon1994.isNeutral_split_iff {H : Type u_2} (acc erg : H → Prop) [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] (p : H) :
                  (Alignment.IsNeutral fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) ↔ ¬acc p ∧ ¬erg p
                  theorem Dixon1994.IsAccusative.of_le {H : Type u_2} {acc erg : H → Prop} [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] {p q : H} [Preorder H] (h : Alignment.Fits (split acc erg)) (hp : Alignment.IsAccusative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) (hpq : p ≤ q) :
                  Alignment.IsAccusative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x q

                  In a split that fits, the pattern stays accusative above an accusative position.

                  theorem Dixon1994.IsErgative.of_le {H : Type u_2} {acc erg : H → Prop} [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] {p q : H} [Preorder H] (h : Alignment.Fits (split acc erg)) (hq : Alignment.IsErgative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x q) (hpq : p ≤ q) :
                  Alignment.IsErgative fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p

                  In a split that fits, the pattern stays ergative below an ergative position.

                  theorem Dixon1994.not_isTripartite_and_isNeutral {H : Type u_2} {acc erg : H → Prop} [DecidablePred acc] [DecidablePred erg] {p q : H} [LinearOrder H] (h : Alignment.Fits (split acc erg)) (ht : Alignment.IsTripartite fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x p) (hn : Alignment.IsNeutral fun (x : ArgumentRole) => split acc erg x q) :
                  False

                  In a split that fits, an overlap of the two markings and a gap between them exclude each other, so a split is of type (d) of the Appendix to Chapter 4 or of the unattested type (g), never both.

                  def Dixon1994.ofCutoffs {H : Type u_2} [Preorder H] [DecidableLE H] (a e : H) :
                  ArgumentRole → H → Option Case

                  The split with accusative marking from the top of the hierarchy down to a and ergative marking from the bottom up to e.

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                    theorem Dixon1994.fits_ofCutoffs {H : Type u_2} [Preorder H] [DecidableLE H] (a e : H) :

                    Dyirbal (Table 4.1) marks first and second person pronouns accusatively and NPs from third person pronouns rightwards ergatively, the two meeting without overlap.

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                      Cashinawa (Table 4.2) marks NPs down to third person pronouns accusatively and from third person pronouns rightwards ergatively, the two overlapping there.

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                        Yidiny (Table 4.3) marks NPs down to proper names and kin terms accusatively and from human deictics rightwards ergatively, the two overlapping over the middle of the hierarchy.

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                          Latin, of type (a), marks pronouns and masculine and feminine nouns accusatively and has no ergative, so that neuter nouns have one form for S, A and O.

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                            Waga-Waga, of type (f) (fn. 14), marks every NP constituent ergatively and NPs down to human common nouns accusatively, so that the left and middle of the hierarchy are tripartite.

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                              The cutoffs induce the alignments of the types. Dyirbal's markings meet at third person pronouns, type (c); Cashinawa and Yidiny overlap in tripartite zones, type (d); Latin leaves neuter nouns neutral, type (a); and Waga-Waga is tripartite down to human nouns and ergative below, type (f).

                              Splits conditioned by tense, aspect or mood, §4.3 #

                              An aspect-conditioned split is aspect-oriented when, as Dixon generalizes, the ergative marking is found in the perfective and never in the imperfective alone.

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                                Passive, antipassive and pivots, §6.1 and §6.2 #

                                A pivot (§6.2) is the pair of functions an NP common to two linked clauses must bear in each, S or A in a language with accusative syntax and S or O in one with ergative syntax.

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                                  def Dixon1994.instReprPivot.repr :
                                  Pivot → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                    Whether a core function is a pivot function.

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                                      instance Dixon1994.instDecidableAdmits (π : Pivot) (r : ArgumentRole) :
                                      Decidable (π.Admits r)
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                                      The two derivations of §6.1, each forming an intransitive from a transitive clause.

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                                        def Dixon1994.instReprDerivation.repr :
                                        Derivation → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                          d.apply r is the function the derivation d gives the core function r. Passive puts O into S and A into the periphery, antipassive puts A into S and O into the periphery, and the ditransitive roles are peripheral.

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                                            A derivation feeds a pivot for an NP in function r when the derived function is a pivot function.

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                                              A common NP needs a derivation in a clause exactly when its function there is not a pivot function, O under an S/A pivot and A under an S/O pivot.

                                              Passive alone feeds an S/A pivot for an NP in O function, and antipassive alone feeds an S/O pivot for an NP in A function, §6.2.1 and §6.2.2; each derivation demotes the other function to the periphery. So a language with a thoroughgoing S/O pivot must have an antipassive, §6.2.3.

                                              Interchange A and O, leaving S and the ditransitive roles alone.

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                                                Passive and antipassive are parallel with A and O interchanged, §6.1.