Citko and Gračanin-Yuksek (2025): Economy in PF Reduction: Why and When (Not) to Elide Multidominant Structures #
Material can go unpronounced in two ways: shared between conjuncts (multidominance) or elided. Citko and Gračanin-Yuksek argue that economy chooses between them. Among the admissible derivations of a string with a given reading, the one spending the fewest lexical items, Merges and ellipses wins, and a derivation is admissible when none of its ellipses is vacuous (Pronunciation Economy) and no phase edge hosting several wh-phrases reaches PF in a language that bans multiple wh-fronting there. A coordinated wh-question (What and when should you teach?) therefore shares its heads but not its phrases, while a coordinated sluice (I forgot what and when) shares its whole C′ and elides it once, which hides the vP edge both wh-phrases crossed.
Main statements #
optimal_cwh_iff: in English the coordinated wh-question has one optimal derivation, which shares heads and leaves each wh-phrase in its own conjunct.optimal_cs_iff: in every language the coordinated sluice has two optimal derivations, the elided shared C′ of the paired reading, which displaces the authors' earlier double ellipsis, and, for the nonpaired reading, shared heads under two complementizers of which only one bears [E].convergesIn_multipleSluice_iff: multiple sluicing converges exactly where the CP edge may host several wh-phrases, as in German, Greek and one variety of English.rnr56_economy: in right node raising with matching verbs, sharing the whole verb phrase is cheaper than eliding part of it, so economy blocks two of the three derivations Belk, Neeleman and Philip license.
Implementation notes #
- A candidate is a planar syntactic object spelled out by
Linearization/Spellout.lean: a token at two positions is shared, a moved wh-phrase leaves traces at the vP edge and its base position, and the coordinator is left out, so a string is its conjuncts' words. A right node raising candidate is a pruning derivation of Belk, Neeleman and Philip, each free pruning an ellipsis. - The paired reading and Pronunciation Economy are the it reading and the ban on vacuous ellipsis
of the authors' earlier paper (
CitkoGracaninYuksek2020). - As the paper's footnote on the parameter allows, every edge with several wh-specifiers receives an asterisk, and a language is the set of categories whose asterisks PF cannot interpret.
- The candidates are the derivations the paper compares; optimality is minimality among them
(
MinimalFor) under the pointwise order on costs.
References #
- B. Citko and M. Gračanin-Yuksek, Economy in PF Reduction: Why and When (Not) to Elide Multidominant Structures (2025)
- B. Citko and M. Gračanin-Yuksek, Conjunction saves multiple sluicing: How *(and) why? (2020)
- N. Chomsky, Some notes on economy of derivation and representation (1991)
- J. Merchant, The Syntax of Silence (2001)
- M. Marcolli, N. Chomsky and R. C. Berwick, Mathematical Structure of Syntactic Merge: An Algebraic Model for Generative Linguistics (2025)
- Z. Belk, A. Neeleman and J. Philip, What divides, and what unites, right-node raising (2023)
The lexicon #
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.what = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 1 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "what" true
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.when = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 2 Minimalist.Cat.P [] "when" true
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.who = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 3 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "who" true
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The null complementizer, and a second one.
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The null complementizer bearing [E], and a second one.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cE = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 12 Minimalist.Cat.C [Minimalist.Cat.T] "" false true
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.cE' = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 13 Minimalist.Cat.C [Minimalist.Cat.T] "" false true
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The tokens a second, separately built clause draws.
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The auxiliary in T.
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The candidates #
clause builds [CP wh [C′ c [TP subj [T′ T [vP wh [v′ v VP]]]]]], the wh-phrase moved through
the edge of vP.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.clause wh c subj T v VP = ↑wh * (↑c * (↑subj * (↑T * (Minimalist.PlanarSyntacticObject.traceOf wh * (↑v * VP)))))
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In non-bulk sharing under the complementizers c₁ and c₂, each wh-phrase stays in its own
conjunct and the subject, T, v and verb are shared ((10b), (14), (16b), (38d), (45c), (46b)).
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In bulk sharing one C′ sits under both wh-phrases, both of which moved through its vP edge ((12b), (20b)).
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Footnote 21's alternative to bulk shares a TP under two complementizers.
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The ellipsis analysis of the coordinated wh-question (11b) builds two clauses from separate tokens and elides the first under its [E] complementizer, with its auxiliary in T as the Sluicing-COMP generalization requires of a sluice.
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The double-ellipsis analysis of the coordinated sluice (19b), the authors' earlier one, builds two clauses from separate tokens and elides both; the second clause's object is a deleted copy of what, which vehicle change reads as it.
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Its nonpaired counterpart (45b) leaves the second clause's verb without an object.
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In a multiple question both wh-phrases are fronted through the vP edge, as in (28b) and, under an [E] complementizer, the multiple sluice (29b).
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The coordinated wh-question (10b), its complementizer shared.
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Its bulk-sharing rival (12b).
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Its rival with a null complementizer in the first conjunct (14).
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Footnote 15 puts the null complementizer in the second conjunct instead.
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The embedded coordinated wh-question (15a) with its null complementizer shared, and with two (15b).
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Two pronounced complementizers (16b).
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The coordinated sluice (20b), (26b), (38b).
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Its rival with two [E] complementizers over a shared TP (footnote 21).
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The nonpaired coordinated sluice (46b) has two complementizers, one bearing [E].
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Its rival in which both complementizers bear [E], set aside after (46b).
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Cost #
A derivation's cost has three dimensions, the lexical items drawn, the Merges, and the applications of ellipsis.
- lexicalItems : CostDimension
- mergeOps : CostDimension
- ellipsisOps : CostDimension
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableEqCostDimension x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The cost of a derivation is a count per dimension, ordered pointwise, so that one derivation is more economical than another when it spends no more on any dimension and less on one.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableLTDerivationCost = decidableLTOfDecidableLE
The cost of an object counts its tokens as the lexical items drawn, its internal terms as the Merges, a shared constituent being built once, and its elided domains as the applications of ellipsis. The terms are [MCB25]'s subtrees, each taken once.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.planarCost t CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.lexicalItems = (CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tokens t).card
- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.planarCost t CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.ellipsisOps = (Minimalist.elidedDomains t).length
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The multiple-wh-fronting parameter (27) #
projection t finds the specifiers and head of the projection at the root of t. Going down
the right spine, the specifiers are the left daughters above the head, which is the first
selecting item met; the result is none when the spine ends first. This is the drawing
convention headIndex? falls back on where the raising head is undefined, as it is wherever a
phrase stands in a specifier.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.projection x✝ = none
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The token heading a constituent is its raising head, and for a deleted copy the token whose phrase it copies.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.headToken? s = match s.value with | Sum.inr (some tok) => some tok | x => Minimalist.treeRaisingHead s
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A constituent is a wh-specifier when its head is a wh-token or its trace.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.IsWhSpecifier s = ∃ tok ∈ (CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.headToken? s).toList, tok.item.wh = true
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The heads of the projections whose edges host several wh-specifiers, each of which receives an asterisk.
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The categories of the asterisked projections whose heads reach PF unsilenced.
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t converges at PF in a language whose multiple-wh-fronting parameter is mwf, the categories
whose asterisks PF cannot interpret, when no asterisk of those categories reaches PF.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.ConvergesIn mwf t = Disjoint mwf (CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.pfAsterisks t)
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.instDecidableConvergesIn mwf t = { decide := decide (∀ ⦃a : Minimalist.Cat⦄, a ∈ mwf → a ∉ CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.pfAsterisks t), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
In English variety A several wh-specifiers are banned at both phase edges.
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In English variety B they are banned at the vP edge only.
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German and Greek lack multiple wh-fronting (30) but have multiple sluicing (31).
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Russian moves all its wh-phrases, where English moves one (after (29)).
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Romanian, where bulk sharing derives coordinated wh-questions (footnote 14).
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Optimality #
A derivation is admissible in a language when none of its ellipses is vacuous, Pronunciation Economy (39), and it converges at PF.
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s competes with t when it yields the same string with the same reading.
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Economy makes t optimal among the candidates l in a language when it is admissible and no
admissible competitor among them costs less.
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Among candidates none of whose asterisks reaches PF, optimality is the same in every language.
Coordinated wh-questions (§3.1, §4.1) #
The derivations of What and when should you teach? the paper compares.
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A pronounced complementizer in the first conjunct only precedes the second wh-phrase (footnote 15).
Each wh-phrase is interpreted in its own conjunct.
The shared C′ carries a copy of each wh-phrase into the other conjunct.
Bulk sharing is cheaper than non-bulk sharing.
Of the three phase edges of the bulk-sharing object, the two CP edges host one wh-phrase each and the shared vP edge both, and its asterisk reaches PF ((37b)).
So bulk sharing crashes wherever the vP edge counts.
Non-bulk sharing leaves one wh-phrase at each edge, so no asterisk arises.
In both English varieties the coordinated wh-question has one optimal derivation, non-bulk sharing: the ellipsis analysis and the extra null complementizer cost more, and bulk sharing, though cheaper, crashes at the vP edge, so the paired reading is unavailable.
In a language with multiple wh-fronting bulk sharing is optimal (footnote 14).
With the complementizer null in both conjuncts, it is shared (15).
Coordinated sluices (§3.2, §4.2, §6.1) #
The derivations of what and when the paper compares, paired and nonpaired.
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The paired candidates are bulk sharing, its shared-TP rival and the double ellipsis.
The shared vP edge hosts two wh-specifiers, the asterisk of (26b).
Elided, it never reaches PF, and neither does any other candidate's asterisk.
Two [E] complementizers are excluded twice over, since they elide the shared material twice and sharing the complementizer would be cheaper.
In every language the coordinated sluice has two optimal derivations. For the paired reading, the elided shared C′ is cheaper than eliding two clauses or sharing TP under two complementizers. For the nonpaired reading, two complementizers of which only one bears [E] are cheaper than eliding two clauses, while a shared [E] complementizer, which draws one token fewer, elides vacuously, as does a second [E].
The authors' earlier double ellipsis is admissible in every language but not optimal, since bulk sharing yields the same string with the same reading more cheaply.
Multiple questions and multiple sluices (§3.2.2) #
Both phase edges of a multiple question reach PF with two wh-specifiers ((28b)).
Multiple sluicing elides the vP edge but not the CP edge ((29b)).
A multiple question converges only where neither edge counts.
Multiple sluicing converges exactly where the CP edge does not count.
So a multiple question crashes in both English varieties and converges in Russian, and multiple sluicing converges in variety B, German and Greek but not in variety A.
Right node raising (§6.2) #
The cost of a derivation of right node raising counts the lexical items and Merges of its structure, and each free pruning as an application of ellipsis.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.rnrCost d CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.lexicalItems = CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.planarCost d.input CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.lexicalItems
- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.rnrCost d CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.mergeOps = CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.planarCost d.input CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.mergeOps
- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.rnrCost d CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.CostDimension.ellipsisOps = d.free.length
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.alice = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 21 Minimalist.Cat.D [] "Alice"
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.oughtToBe = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 25 Minimalist.Cat.T [Minimalist.Cat.V] "ought to be"
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Work, a second work, and working.
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.different = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 30 Minimalist.Cat.A [] "different"
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.topics = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 31 Minimalist.Cat.N [] "topics"
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.different' = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 33 Minimalist.Cat.A [] "different"
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.topics' = CitkoGracaninYuksek2020.tok 34 Minimalist.Cat.N [] "topics"
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[TP subj [T′ T VP]].
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- CitkoGracaninYuksek2025.tp subj T VP = ↑subj * (↑T * VP)
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In example (53b), Belk, Neeleman and Philip's analysis of Larson's mixed pivot, the pivot is multidominated and its first branch pruned, and then the first verb phrase, by then the bare verb, is pruned freely.
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Example (54) builds the first verb phrase with its own pivot and elides it.
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The rival of (55b) with the shape of (53b), each conjunct with its own work.
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Belk, Neeleman and Philip license three derivations of (56), their (51), with the prosodic break before have, traveled or to. Multidominating the whole auxiliary phrase is cheaper than either derivation that elides, so economy blocks those (the paper's (57) and (58)) and leaves the break before have (59).