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Studies.Chierchia2013

Chierchia (2013): Logic in Grammar #

This file formalizes the opening chapter of Chierchia's book, where the preferred reading of or and the distribution of any and ever are shown to track one logical property of a position. Or is exclusive in an upward-entailing position and inclusive in a downward-entailing one, because Maximize Strength adds the not-both implicature only where it strengthens, and an implicature strengthens under a monotone embedding and weakens under an antitone one. Any and ever are grammatical in the downward-entailing positions and out elsewhere, because their subdomain alternatives are obligatorily active and must be exhaustified: under an antitone context every subdomain alternative is entailed and exhaustification is vacuous, while at the existential itself no witness is entailed and exhaustification is a contradiction. Any alone extends to the free-choice positions, a possibility modal or an imperative, the divide between it and ever and between Italian qualsiasi and alcuno. The positions are the paper's easy and hard columns, the hard column being the licensing contexts whose licensers fix their polarity, and the readings and judgments are rows: the theorems derive each reading from Maximize Strength and each judgment from the licensing relation applied to the Fragment entries, and every row must name its position.

References #

Maximize Strength #

Or has an inclusive and an exclusive reading.

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      A reading assigns to p or q the disjunction, or the disjunction with the not-both implicature added.

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        The name of a reading in the example rows.

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          def Chierchia2013.IsStrongest {W : Type u_1} (p q : Set W) (C : Set W → Set W) (r : DisjunctionReading) :

          By Maximize Strength a reading is preferred in a position when the position's embedding of it is at least as strong as its embedding of the other reading.

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            theorem Chierchia2013.isStrongest_exclusive {W : Type u_1} (p q : Set W) {C : Set W → Set W} (hC : Monotone C) :

            Under a monotone embedding the implicature still strengthens, so the exclusive reading is preferred.

            theorem Chierchia2013.isStrongest_inclusive {W : Type u_1} (p q : Set W) {C : Set W → Set W} (hC : Antitone C) :

            Under an antitone embedding the implicature weakens, so the inclusive reading is preferred.

            The reading Maximize Strength selects from the polarity of a position; a non-monotone position selects neither.

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              theorem Chierchia2013.isStrongest_maximizeStrength {W : Type u_1} (p q : Set W) {φ : NaturalLogic.Signature} {C : Set W → Set W} (hφ : φ.SoundFor C) (r : DisjunctionReading) :
              r ∈ maximizeStrength φ.sign → IsStrongest p q C r

              Under an embedding with a signature of the position's polarity, the reading Maximize Strength selects is the strongest.

              Exhaustifying obligatory subdomain alternatives #

              theorem Chierchia2013.exh_antitone_eq {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (D : Finset E) (P : E → Set W) {C : Set W → Set W} (hC : Antitone C) :
              Exhaustification.exh (C '' supClosure (P '' ↑D)) (C (⋃ a ∈ D, P a)) = C (⋃ a ∈ D, P a)

              Under an antitone context the existential entails each of its subdomain alternatives, so any in a downward-entailing position is exhaustified vacuously, leaving a plain existential.

              theorem Chierchia2013.exh_supClosure_eq_empty {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (D : Finset E) (P : E → Set W) (h : ∀ a ∈ D, ¬⋃ b ∈ D, P b ⊆ P a) :
              Exhaustification.exh (supClosure (P '' ↑D)) (⋃ a ∈ D, P a) = ∅

              At the existential itself, where no witness is entailed, exhaustifying the obligatory alternatives negates every singleton alternative and is a contradiction, which is the source of the deviance of any in a positive episodic sentence.

              The positions #

              The paper's positions. In the easy column or is exclusive and any is out, in the hard column of [Lad79]'s licensing contexts or is inclusive and any is in, and in the free-choice positions any alone survives.

              • matrix : Position

                A positive sentence.

              • conditionalConsequent : Position

                The consequent of a conditional.

              • everyScope : Position

                The second argument of every.

              • positiveQuantifierScope : Position

                The scope of a positive quantifier such as somebody.

              • conditionalAntecedent : Position
              • universalRestrictor : Position

                The first argument of every.

              • negation : Position
              • nobody : Position
              • doubtVerb : Position

                The complement of doubt.

              • modalPossibility : Position
              • imperative : Position
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                def Chierchia2013.instReprPosition.repr :
                Position → ℕ → Std.Format
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                  The licensers of the downward-entailing positions carry weak strength, those of the modal positions do not.

                  A position is downward entailing when it is a licensing context whose licenser carries weak strength.

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                    A downward-entailing position is antitone, any other upward entailing.

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                      A position licenses an item when it is a licensing context that licenses it.

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                        Every downward-entailing position licenses ever, so the hard column of the readings of or is the column where the pure negative-polarity item is grammatical.

                        Any parts ways with ever exactly where the context licenses free choice, as a possibility modal, an imperative or a generic does.

                        The rows #

                        noncomputable def Chierchia2013.item :
                        String → Option PolarityItem

                        The Fragment entry a row names.

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                          theorem Chierchia2013.or_rows (e : Datum) :
                          e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "item" = some "or" → e.feature? "forced" = none → ∃ pos ∈ (e.feature? "position").bind Position.ofKey, e.feature? "reading" = Option.map DisjunctionReading.key (maximizeStrength pos.polarity)

                          Every unforced row on or names a position, and its reading is the one Maximize Strength selects from the polarity of that position.

                          theorem Chierchia2013.exclusive_under_nobody_forced :
                          ∃ e ∈ Examples.all, e.feature? "forced" = some "true" ∧ e.feature? "position" = some "nobody" ∧ e.feature? "reading" = some "exclusive"

                          The exclusive reading is available under nobody, but only forced by the context.

                          theorem Chierchia2013.polarity_rows (e : Datum) :
                          e ∈ Examples.all → e.feature? "item" ≠ some "or" → ∃ i ∈ (e.feature? "item").bind item, ∃ pos ∈ (e.feature? "position").bind Position.ofKey, e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ pos.Licenses i

                          Every row on another item names a Fragment entry and a position, and is judged acceptable exactly when the position licenses the entry.