Büring 2007: cross-polar nomalies #
Comparatives pairing a positive adjective with a negative one are anomalous — John is shorter than Mary is tall — and yet the ladder was shorter than the house was high is perfectly acceptable. This file formalizes the account of the contrast. A negative adjective is the degree negation of its positive counterpart, and a comparative whose degree phrase carries that negation inverts both intervals it compares, so shorter than … high can be read as less long than … high. Read that way it compares two positive extents; read literally it compares a positive extent with a negative one, which no scale makes true, while the reinterpretation is a subcomparative.
The reinterpretation needs the negation and the comparative morpheme in one clause, and it is preempted where the than-clause adjective is the matrix one modulo the negation, since comparative deletion then supplies a synonymous competitor. Those two conditions cut the cross-polar space into the paper's three cases, and they block for different reasons: the anomaly has the reinterpretation available and loses to its competitor, the inverse nomaly has no competitor and still fails.
A modal in the than-clause separates this account from the variant that puts the degree negation with the than-clause adjective. The negation outside the modal and the negation inside it turn the same comparison into the box and the diamond of one proposition, so the first is the stronger reading under a universal modal and the weaker one under an existential; they coincide only when the accessible worlds agree on the standard's degree.
Main definitions #
compareWith— the comparative morpheme, relative to the modifier in its degree phraseComparative,Comparative.Acceptable— a cross-polar comparative and the conditions on itnegationOutside,negationInside— the two analyses of a modal than-clause
Main results #
compareWith_little— the degree negation inverts both intervals comparednot_crossPolar,not_crossPolar'— neither order of a literal cross-polar comparison is truemetamorphosis_iff_subcomparative— the reinterpretation is a subcomparativenomaly_acceptable,blocked_for_different_reasons— the three-way pattern and its two sourcesreading_of_deletion— the deletion competitor is synonymous exactly on one dimensionnegationOutside_box,negationInside_box— the two analyses as box and diamondoutside_entails_inside_box,inside_not_entails_outside— the entailment is strictanalyses_agree_of_uniform— a degree-uniform modal base hides the difference
References #
The comparative and the degree negation #
The comparative morpheme compareWith m i j holds when the than-clause interval i is properly
included in the matrix interval j, both read through the degree-phrase modifier m, the identity
for MUCH and complementation for LITTLE.
Equations
- Buring2007.compareWith m thanClause matrix = (m thanClause ⊂ m matrix)
Instances For
LITTLE turns a more-comparative into a less-comparative by inverting both intervals compared: less is LITTLE -er ([Hei06]).
A positive extent is never properly included in a negative one, so the literal reading of Mary is taller than John is short is true on no scale ([Ken01]).
The other order fails too whenever the scale has no greatest degree: John is shorter than Mary is tall read literally would need every degree above John's height to lie below Mary's.
Under the reinterpretation, with the negation in the degree phrase, both intervals compared are positive extents, and the comparison is the subcomparative of [SW02a], the ladder's length against the house's height.
The three cross-polar configurations #
Equations
- Buring2007.instDecidableEqDimension x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Buring2007.instReprDimension = { reprPrec := Buring2007.instReprDimension.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
An adjective pairs a dimension with a polarity, measuring it positively (long) or negatively (short).
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Buring2007.instReprAdjective = { reprPrec := Buring2007.instReprAdjective.repr }
A comparative pairing a matrix adjective with a than-clause adjective.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Buring2007.instReprComparative = { reprPrec := Buring2007.instReprComparative.repr }
A comparative is cross-polar when its two adjectives are of opposite polarity.
Equations
- c.CrossPolar = (c.matrix.polarity ≠ c.thanClause.polarity)
Instances For
The reinterpretation is available only where the degree negation and the comparative morpheme share a clause, that is where the negative adjective is the matrix one: a than-clause negation cannot be recombined with the matrix comparative.
Equations
- c.Metamorphosis = (c.matrix.polarity = Polarity.negative)
Instances For
Comparative deletion is licensed where the than-clause adjective phrase is the matrix one modulo the degree morphology, that is where the two adjectives measure the same dimension.
Equations
- c.Deletion = (c.matrix.dimension = c.thanClause.dimension)
Instances For
A cross-polar comparative survives when the reinterpretation is available and no comparative deletion competes with it ([TF05]'s MaxElide prefers the larger ellipsis).
Equations
- c.Acceptable = (c.Metamorphosis ∧ ¬c.Deletion)
Instances For
Equations
- c.instDecidableCrossPolar = { decide := !decide (c.matrix.polarity = c.thanClause.polarity), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Equations
- c.instDecidableAcceptable = { decide := decide c.Metamorphosis && decide ¬c.Deletion, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The reading a cross-polar comparative gets under the reinterpretation, on a model interpreting each dimension as a measure function.
Equations
- Buring2007.Comparative.reading m c subject standard = (m c.matrix.dimension subject < m c.thanClause.dimension standard)
Instances For
In John is shorter than Mary is tall the negative adjective is the matrix one and both measure height.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
In Mary is taller than John is short the negation sits in the than-clause.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
In The ladder was shorter than the house was high the negative adjective is the matrix one and the two dimensions differ.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
In The house is higher than the ladder is short the dimensions differ, but the negation is in the than-clause.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
All four configurations are cross-polar, so the acceptability condition applies to each.
The nomaly is reinterpretable and has no deletion competitor.
The anomaly, its reverse and the inverse nomaly are all blocked.
Neither condition derives the pattern alone: the anomaly is reinterpretable and blocked only by its competitor, the inverse nomaly has no competitor and is blocked only by the position of the negation.
Comparative deletion competes only where it is synonymous: on one dimension the reinterpreted reading is exactly the plain comparative the deletion form expresses, which is why the anomaly loses to it while the nomaly — whose deletion form makes a different claim — does not.
With two dimensions the deletion form is not a paraphrase, so it does not compete: a 12-foot ladder is shorter than a 15-foot-high house without being shorter than the house is long.
A modal in the than-clause #
With the degree negation outside the modal, the than-clause denotes the degrees the standard reaches under the modal, and the less-comparative asserts that the subject's positive extent is included in it.
Equations
- Buring2007.negationOutside Q μ c = (Set.Iic c ⊆ {d : D | Q fun (v : W) => d ≤ μ v})
Instances For
With the degree negation inside the modal, the than-clause denotes the degrees exceeding the standard under the modal, and the more-comparative asserts that they are among the degrees exceeding the subject.
Equations
- Buring2007.negationInside Q μ c = ({d : D | Q fun (v : W) => μ v < d} ⊆ Set.Ioi c)
Instances For
The outside reading holds exactly when the modal claims the standard reaches the subject's degree.
The inside reading holds exactly when the modal fails to claim the standard falls below the subject's degree.
Under a universal than-clause modal the outside reading is that the standard reaches the subject's degree in every accessible world — the minimum required width of the moat exceeds the drawbridge's length.
The inside reading of the same sentence is that the standard reaches it in some accessible world — the maximum permitted width does.
With an existential modal the two readings exchange: the outside reading becomes the weaker one, about the maximum permitted length of a drawbridge.
And the inside reading becomes the stronger one, about the minimum permitted length.
Under a universal modal the outside reading entails the inside one.
Under an existential modal the entailment runs the other way.
The entailment is strict: where a regulation permits moats of 30 and of 40 feet, a 35-foot drawbridge is shorter than a permitted moat is wide without being shorter than every one.
The two readings coincide when the accessible worlds agree on the standard's degree, which is why a than-clause without a modal cannot tell the analyses apart.