Documentation

Studies.AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a

Alexandropoulou and Gotzner (2024a): relative and absolute adjectives under negation #

Two rating experiments set Horn's face-based account of negative strengthening against Krifka's complexity-based one on three kinds of negated antonym pairs: weak relative (not large vs not small), weak absolute (not clean vs not dirty) and strong (not gigantic vs not tiny, not pristine vs not filthy). The accounts' applicability conditions differ — Horn needs a semantic extension gap, Krifka's M-principle needs semantically equivalent competitors — so the three cases pull them apart (the paper's Table 1).

The predictions are computed from the mechanisms over the four surface forms: Horn's R-strengthening of the face-threatening negated positive and Q/R middling of the double negative (hornRanges), Krifka's BiOT quadruplet from Krifka2007b (krifkaRanges), and its NACH extension as a comparison of complexity deviations (deviation). The design's factors and the gap condition are read off the Fragment: strength from the extreme standards of gigantic and pristine, adjective type from the scale, and the gap from the standards. The reported findings — an asymmetry for weak relatives only — confirm Horn on the weak cases, refute both Krifka variants, and leave Horn's strong-adjective prediction unsupported.

References #

Design cells #

A design cell pairs an adjective type with an informational strength; Table 1 pools the two strong cells.

  • weakRelative : Cell
  • weakAbsolute : Cell
  • strongRelative : Cell
  • strongAbsolute : Cell
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    A cell is strong when its adjectives are extreme, with standards beyond the weak pair's.

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      A cell is relative when its scale is, an open scale with no endpoint to fix a standard.

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        The pair leaves a semantic extension gap when its poles do not take complementary standards.

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          Only the weak absolute pair lacks a gap.

          Communicated ranges #

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          A Ranges assigns each surface form the scale regions it may communicate.

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            A negated antonym pair is interpreted asymmetrically when the negated positive and the negated negative forms diverge, and symmetrically when they behave in parallel.

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                Positive and negative forms communicate mirror-image ranges.

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                  Krifka's ranges are the BiOT quadruplet of Krifka2007b.

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                    The Negative Adjectives Complexity Hypothesis #

                    complexity nach f is the complexity of the form f with (true) or without (false) NACH. Under NACH the negative adjective carries a covert negative morpheme, so small counts like unhappy; without it the simple antonyms are equally simple and their negations equally complex.

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                      deviation nach f is the excess complexity of f over its co-extensive simple form, the stereotype deviation the M-principle assigns it.

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                        Without NACH both negated forms deviate equally from their antonyms; with it not small deviates more from large than not large does from small.

                        Table 1 #

                        horn c is Horn's prediction for a cell, made where a semantic gap makes the account applicable.

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                          def AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a.krifka (nach : Bool) (c : Cell) :
                          Option Asymmetry

                          Krifka's account, with or without NACH, makes a prediction only for weak pairs, since the M-principle needs semantically equivalent competitors, which only weak pairs provide (by bivalence for relatives, by entailment for absolutes).

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                            theorem AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a.table1_strong (c : Cell) :
                            c.IsStrong → horn c = some Asymmetry.asymmetric ∧ krifka false c = none ∧ krifka true c = none

                            Findings #

                            finding c is the reported interpretation pattern of a cell. Experiment 1 found a Negation effect for weak relatives (β = 0.64, p < .01) and none with strong as the reference level (p = 0.86); Experiment 2 found none for weak absolutes (p = 0.17) and only a marginal one for strong absolutes (p = 0.07).

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                              Horn is confirmed wherever it applies to a weak pair.

                              Horn's asymmetry for strong pairs is not observed.

                              Krifka's original account fails on weak relatives, its NACH extension on weak absolutes.

                              A semantic extension gap is a precondition for negative strengthening.

                              Rows #

                              formOf row is the surface form of a statement row, read off its polarity and negation conditions.

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                                theorem AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a.row_factors (row : Datum) :
                                row ∈ Examples.all → ∀ a ∈ (row.feature? "adjective").bind entryOf, (row.feature? "strength" = some "strong" ↔ a.standard = Degree.PositiveStandard.extreme) ∧ (row.feature? "adjectiveType" = some "relative" ↔ a.boundedness.IsRelative)

                                Each row's design factors are its adjective's in the Fragment, which is strong exactly when its standard is extreme and relative exactly when its scale is.

                                theorem AlexandropoulouGotzner2024a.negated_iff_not (row : Datum) :
                                row ∈ Examples.all → ∀ n ∈ row.feature? "negation", n = "negated" ↔ " not ".toList <:+: row.primaryText.toList

                                A statement is in a negated condition exactly when it contains not.