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Ā-probing for the closest DP

Branan, K. & Erlewine, M. Y. (2024). Linguistic Inquiry, 55(2), 375–401

An Ā-probe can be restricted to the closest DP: [PROBE:Ā+D] interacts with a goal bearing both an Ā-feature and [D] but is satisfied by any [D] goal, so it halts on the first DP it meets and moves it only if that DP bears the Ā-feature. A goal is closest when no other potential goal c-commands it (8). Relativization of this kind looks subject-only because the subject is usually the highest DP, but a non-subject moved above a low subject is extractable (10), and so is a DP at the edge of the highest DP, which that DP does not c-command (11). Turkish relatives with the subject-relative form and Rejang relatives with gi show both exceptions.

Implementation notes

  • A relative clause is a tree with the heads that probe and the clitic pronouns, which cliticization hides from [D]-sensitive probes (p. 387). A goal is the occurrence of a D head, read at its maximal projection; its features are [D], unless it is a clitic, and [REL] on the relative operator.
  • Turkish relatives take the subject-relative (SR) form exactly when the probe finds a goal, and the nonsubject-relative (NSR) form otherwise (p. 384). A Rejang gi relative needs every gi head to find a goal; bawo does not probe.
  • Closeness is (8) itself, not the generators-above key of Probe.Finds, under which a DP is closer than its possessor (Probe.not_finds_ancestors_of_lt).
  • Clauses are cut down to their DPs and the heads that order them. A Rejang possessor relative places the operator at the edge of the possessed DP, one of the two analyses of p. 389, and its resumptive pronoun is left out. The agent of a Rejang passive sits below the promoted theme.

TODO

  • Kiribati, Toba Batak, Māori and Arabic (section 4), Haya long-distance relatives (35), Late Archaic Chinese ditransitives (37), and Tagalog non-DP fronting (section 5.3).

References

The probe

Relative clauses

L65–72

Turkish (12)–(20)

L198–203

Rejang (21)–(30)

L301–306