Documentation

Studies.Amato2025

Nested Agree and apparent minimality violations: [Ama25] #

[Ama25] derives apparent minimality violations from Nested Agree (Definition (1)): the probes on a head are extrinsically ordered, and a later probe must exploit the dependency an earlier one established, so its search starts from the earlier probe's goal — everything the head c-commands above that goal lies outside its domain, and a structurally closer matching goal is skipped with minimality respected at every step. run is that engine on the substrate's FeatureBundle slots and Probe.search: a probe's domain is the c-command-ordered list of accessible heads (the paper's own notation in (6), (8), (32), (34)), read off a projection spine by domain, which stops at a phase head's complement (PIC); a valued probe (a case assigner, [∗Infl:perf∗]) matches only an unvalued slot and values its goal, an unvalued probe matches any specified slot and is valued by an active goal (fn. 23, defective intervention).

The paper's derivations then run as stated: Standard Italian auxiliary selection ((9)–(20), over the substrate's TransitivityClass and impersonal/passive Voice.Flavor) under the Vocabulary Items (14), the Ariellese and Tufillese orderings and entries (22)–(24), the ditransitive case/agreement alignments (25)–(28) with [Bar24]'s typological gap, Icelandic DAT-NOM (29a/b), Lak perfective agreement (32), Spanish VOS (34), Bulgarian multiple wh-fronting (36), and Hindi-Urdu (38)–(40). Out of scope: Merge and binding inside v's cycle (the SCC ordering of (16)–(17) enters as v's input), participle agreement (§4.3.2), and the Appendix's comparison with MME, Multitasking and ECoMPS.

The engine #

@[reducible, inline]
abbrev Amato2025.State (H : Type u_2) :
Type u_2

The feature state of a derivation assigns every head its bundle.

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    structure Amato2025.Layer (H : Type u_2) :
    Type u_2

    A projection has its specifiers, highest first, over its head.

    • specs : List H
    • head : H
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      def Amato2025.domain {H : Type u_1} (phase : H → Bool) :
      List (Layer H) → List H

      The heads a probe above these projections can reach, in c-command order — each projection's specifiers then its head, down to and including the first phase head, whose complement the PIC freezes.

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        def Amato2025.goalMatches {H : Type u_1} (s : State H) (α : H) (t : Minimalist.FeatureType) (g : H) :
        Bool

        Goal g matches the probe at dimension t on α (fn. 23): an unvalued probe matches any specified slot — an unvalued one too, defective intervention — while a valued probe (a case assigner, [∗Infl:perf∗]) matches only an unvalued slot, so a DP whose case is already valued is invisible to case assignment.

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          def Amato2025.agree {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] (act : H → Minimalist.FeatureType → Bool) (s : State H) (α : H) (t : Minimalist.FeatureType) (g : H) :

          In Agree between α and its goal g at t, an unvalued probe copies the goal's value when the goal has one and is active for t (an inactive goal is matched but values nothing), and a valued probe values the goal.

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            def Amato2025.run {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] (act : H → Minimalist.FeatureType → Bool) (α : H) (dom : List H) (ts : List Minimalist.FeatureType) (s : State H) :
            List (Option H) × State H

            Discharge the probes on α in their extrinsic order over dom (Definition (1)): each probe searches for its closest matching goal from the previous probe's goal on — reusing that "Agree-channel", so what α c-commands above it is outside the search — and from the top of dom when the previous probe found no goal (§4.1.2). Returns each probe's goal and the resulting state.

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              def Amato2025.run.go {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] (act : H → Minimalist.FeatureType → Bool) (α : H) (dom : List H) :
              Option H → List Minimalist.FeatureType → State H → List (Option H) × State H
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              • Amato2025.run.go act α dom a✝¹ [] a✝ = ([], a✝)
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                theorem Amato2025.nestedDomain {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] {pre post : List H} {β : H} (hβ : β ∉ pre) :
                List.dropWhile (fun (x : H) => decide (x ≠ β)) (pre ++ β :: post) = β :: post

                The domain of a probe nested under the goal β is the suffix of the c-command order from β.

                theorem Amato2025.notMem_nestedDomain {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] {pre post : List H} {β δ : H} (hnd : (pre ++ β :: post).Nodup) (hδ : δ ∈ pre) :
                δ ∉ List.dropWhile (fun (x : H) => decide (x ≠ β)) (pre ++ β :: post)

                In trees (2)–(3), the alleged intervener δ, c-commanded above the goal β of the first probe, lies outside the domain of every probe nested under β.

                def Amato2025.multipleAgree {H : Type u_1} (s : State H) (α : H) (t : Minimalist.FeatureType) (dom : List H) :
                List H

                Under Multiple Agree [∗wh∗] reaches every matching goal in c-command order (§4.2.3).

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                  def Amato2025.whFronting {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] (s : State H) (α : H) (dom : List H) :
                  List H

                  In (36) the Merge feature [·wh·], nested under the last goal of [∗wh∗], raises it first, and each later application, its landing site being above the probe, searches the remaining domain afresh. The result lists the movers in order of movement.

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                    def Amato2025.whFronting.rest {H : Type u_1} [DecidableEq H] (p : Minimalist.Probe H) :
                    ℕ → List H → List H
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                      The paper's heads #

                      inductive Amato2025.Head :

                      The heads of the paper's trees.

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                        @[instance_reducible]
                        instance Amato2025.instDecidableEqHead :
                        DecidableEq Head
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                        def Amato2025.instReprHead.repr :
                        Head → ℕ → Std.Format
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                          @[instance_reducible]
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                          def Amato2025.isPhase :
                          Head → Bool

                          v and Voice are phase heads (§3.4.2, fn. 18).

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                            Every goal values its probe.

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                              Standard Italian auxiliary selection (§3) #

                              Perf bears [∗Infl:perf∗] and [∗π:_∗], ordered as in (7) or (22). v first runs its own cycle over the object ((9), (16)); Perf then probes the vP, T the PerfP (11).

                              The paper has two Voice heads, Voice_imp of the impersonal si (§3.4.4) and Voice_pass (fn. 18), both Minimalist.Voice.passive's cell, an implicit external argument.

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                                @[instance_reducible]
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                                def Amato2025.instReprVoiceHead.repr :
                                VoiceHead → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                  A clause of §3.4 has v's class (TransitivityClass; an unergative verb is transitive with a covert cognate object bearing default features, fn. 10) under no Voice head, or under Voice_imp (§3.4.4) or Voice_pass (fn. 18).

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                                    def Amato2025.instDecidableEqClause.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Clause) :
                                    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                      def Amato2025.instReprClause.repr :
                                      Clause → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                        @[instance_reducible]
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                                        Before Agree, with subject person p, Perf bears [∗Infl:perf∗], [∗π:_∗]; T [∗case:nom∗], [∗ϕ:_∗]; a transitive v [Infl:_], [∗case:acc∗], [∗π:_∗] or, in (15), a defective v [Infl:_]; Voice_imp [Infl:_], [π:_] (20), Voice_pass [Infl:_]; the subject [ϕ:p], [case:_]; a full object [ϕ:3], [case:_] (the unaccusative theme, [ϕ:p]), a reflexive object [ϕ:_], [case:_] (16); and si [π:_], [case:_].

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                                          The projections below Perf are (10)/(18) for a transitive v and (15) for a defective one, under the Voice layer of (20) when there is one.

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                                            In v's cycle ((9), (16)) v assigns accusative and then π-agrees with the object; a defective v does neither.

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                                              def Amato2025.perfCycle (ord : List Minimalist.FeatureType) (cl : Clause) (p : Person) :
                                              List (Option Head) × State Head

                                              Perf's cycle under the feature ordering ord.

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                                                def Amato2025.tCycle (ord : List Minimalist.FeatureType) (cl : Clause) (p : Person) :
                                                List (Option Head) × State Head

                                                In T's cycle (11) T assigns nominative and then ϕ-agrees.

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                                                  The state after v, Perf and T have probed.

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                                                    Standard Italian orders its probes by argument structure, Infl before person (7).

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                                                      Ariellese orders its probes by the subject, person before Infl (22).

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                                                        In (10) and (18), [∗Infl:perf∗] finds v, and [∗π:_∗], nested under it, agrees with v across the subject, for transitive, unergative and reflexive v alike.

                                                        In (15) π-Agree on Perf fails, since the defective v bears no person feature and the raised theme in Spec,v is above the Nested-Agree goal.

                                                        In (20) both probes on Perf target Voice_imp, whose person feature is unvalued.

                                                        In (11) T assigns nominative to the subject and, nested under that dependency, ϕ-agrees with it rather than with the higher Perf.

                                                        The Vocabulary Items (14) insert /AVERE/ ↔ Perf[π:α], and /ESSERE/ elsewhere.

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                                                          As in (4)–(5), the derivation yields exactly the canonical Romance distribution, HAVE with transitive and unergative verbs and BE with unaccusative and reflexive ones, for every subject person.

                                                          Under Voice_imp or Voice_pass the auxiliary is BE whatever the verb ((5d), fn. 18), since Perf's π-probe, nested under Infl-Agree with Voice, meets an unvalued or absent person feature.

                                                          Under the ordering (22) the auxiliary follows the subject's person alone (21), BBH whatever the argument structure (§3.5).

                                                          Tufillese (24) inserts /AVERE/ ↔ Perf[π:α] / T[ϕ:3sg].

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                                                            The mixed system has BBH where Standard Italian has HAVE and BE where it has BE (§3.5).

                                                            Case and agreement in ditransitive clauses (§4.1.1) #

                                                            The two orderings of [∗case∗] and [∗ϕ:_∗] on a head.

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                                                              @[instance_reducible]
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                                                              def Amato2025.instReprProbeOrder.repr :
                                                              ProbeOrder → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                                                In (25)–(28) v bears [∗case:acc∗], [∗ϕ:_∗] over DP_R … Appl … V … DP_T, the recipient already dative from Appl or not.

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                                                                  Which argument v assigns accusative to and which it ϕ-agrees with.

                                                                  • caseTarget : Option Head
                                                                  • agrTarget : Option Head
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                                                                    def Amato2025.instDecidableEqAlignment.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Alignment) :
                                                                    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                      def Amato2025.instReprAlignment.repr :
                                                                      Alignment → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                                                        def Amato2025.ditransitive (o : ProbeOrder) (applDat : Bool) :

                                                                        The alignment v derives under ordering o with or without dative from Appl.

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                                                                          theorem Amato2025.ditransitive_caseFirst_dat :
                                                                          ditransitive ProbeOrder.caseFirst true = { caseTarget := some Head.dpT, agrTarget := some Head.dpT }

                                                                          Example (25) has indirective case and agreement, ϕ-Agree with the theme across the recipient.

                                                                          theorem Amato2025.ditransitive_caseFirst_noDat :
                                                                          ditransitive ProbeOrder.caseFirst false = { caseTarget := some Head.dpR, agrTarget := some Head.dpR }

                                                                          Example (26) has secundative case and agreement.

                                                                          theorem Amato2025.ditransitive_phiFirst_dat :
                                                                          ditransitive ProbeOrder.phiFirst true = { caseTarget := some Head.dpT, agrTarget := some Head.dpR }

                                                                          Example (27) has indirective case and secundative agreement.

                                                                          theorem Amato2025.ditransitive_phiFirst_noDat :
                                                                          ditransitive ProbeOrder.phiFirst false = { caseTarget := some Head.dpR, agrTarget := some Head.dpR }

                                                                          Example (28) has secundative case and agreement again.

                                                                          theorem Amato2025.no_secundativeCase_indirectiveAgreement (o : ProbeOrder) (d : Bool) :
                                                                          ditransitive o d ≠ { caseTarget := some Head.dpR, agrTarget := some Head.dpT }

                                                                          Table 1's gap ([Bar24]): no ordering and no Appl setting gives accusative on the recipient with agreement on the theme.

                                                                          Icelandic DAT-NOM constructions (§4.1.2) #

                                                                          (29a) versus (29b).

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                                                                            def Amato2025.instReprClausal.repr :
                                                                            Clausal → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                                                              T [∗case:nom∗], [∗ϕ:_∗] over DP_dat … DP_nom; in (29b) the lower T has already assigned nominative.

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                                                                                Datives are defective goals for ϕ-Agree: matched, never valuing.

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                                                                                  T's number slot after probing.

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                                                                                    In (29a) with case first, T assigns nominative to the object and then ϕ-agrees with it across the dative (líka).

                                                                                    In (29a) with ϕ first, the dative intervenes defectively, giving default agreement (líkar).

                                                                                    In (29b), with nominative assigned below, matrix T's case probe finds no goal, so ϕ is unrestricted and meets the dative under either ordering, giving default agreement only.

                                                                                    Person agreement in the Lak perfective (§4.2.1) #

                                                                                    In (32) Asp bears [∗Infl:perf∗], [∗π:_∗] and v [Infl:_], [∗π:_∗], with subject person ps and object person po.

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                                                                                      Asp's person slot after v has agreed with the object and Asp with v.

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                                                                                        In (31c)–(31d) the perfective auxiliary carries the internal argument's person, whatever the external argument's.

                                                                                        Subject agreement in Spanish VOS (§4.2.2) #

                                                                                        In (34) T bears [∗case:nom∗], [∗ϕ:_∗] over the shifted object [case:acc], [ϕ:α] and the subject [case:_], [ϕ:β].

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                                                                                          In (33) the case-marked object is no goal for nominative, and ϕ-Agree, nested under case assignment, targets the subject.

                                                                                          Bulgarian multiple wh-fronting (§4.2.3) #

                                                                                          C's domain in (36).

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                                                                                            In (35) the object fronts first, the subject lands in the outer specifier, and the base order is preserved.

                                                                                            Agreement with unmarked DPs in Hindi-Urdu (§4.3.1) #

                                                                                            The ergative subject is in Spec,Asp in (37)/(39), both arguments are case-marked in Spec,Asp in (38a)/(40), and the unmarked subject is in Spec,v under imperfective Asp in (38b).

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                                                                                                T [∗Infl:_∗], [∗ϕ:_∗]; Asp [Infl:perf] or [Infl:impf]; v [∗ϕ:_∗]; the DPs with the case Asp assigned them.

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                                                                                                  The projections below T in (39), (40) and (38b).

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                                                                                                    T's person slot after v has probed its complement (empty in (40), the object having moved, fn. 33) and T has Infl-agreed with Asp and, nested under it, probed for ϕ.

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                                                                                                      In (37), starting from Asp, ϕ-Agree skips the ergative subject and reaches v's copy of the object's features.

                                                                                                      In (38a), with both DPs case-marked above Asp, only v's unvalued slot remains, giving default agreement.

                                                                                                      In (38b) an unmarked subject in Spec,v is the first ϕ-goal below Asp.