On movement out of moved elements, labels, and phases

Movement to the edge of a phase on the way out of it creates a specifier that agrees with nothing, which leaves the phase unlabeled until the specifier moves on, and an unlabeled element cannot move, the Unlabeled Immobility Condition. Since the cycle and the PIC make an element leave a phase by its edge before the phase moves, the ban on movement out of moved elements follows (ex17), in a revised form: what is generated at the edge, or moves there to share a feature, leaves the phase labeled and free to move, and can then be extracted from it (ex25a, ex42a). Remnant movement is unaffected (ex20), a verb-second clause, whose specifier agrees with nothing, cannot move though nothing moves out of it (ex22), and Collins's smuggling passive, which moves a non-phase, obeys the condition while violating the traditional ban (ex58).

Implementation notes

• Labeling is that of Chomsky (2013): the heads minimal search finds, roots aside, label when there is one, or when they share a feature. The features shared are the paper's: the concord of a Serbo-Croatian possessive adjective with its noun, and the R-feature of a Dutch r-pronoun with its preposition. Successive-cyclic and verb-second specifiers share none.
• The phases are Chomsky's CP, vP and DP, and in Serbo-Croatian, which lacks DP, the noun phrase. Transfer seals the complement of a phase head once its phase is complete, the phase being the head's projection under HeadFunction.raising, so that a phase head's specifiers are in its phase however they are labeled. Read off labels instead (HeadFunction.label), the unlabeled verb-second clause of (22) would be complete before its specifier merged, and raising to Spec,CP would leave it: the paper's labels and its phase edges are two notions of projection.
• Clauses are cut down to the heads each example needs, verbs in their base positions; the word orders of the German, Serbo-Croatian and Dutch examples are not modelled.

TODO

• Phase Mobility (12), only phases move, from which the paper deduces the condition and by which Appendix A rules out Collins's passive, needs the phases of Bošković (2014), the highest projection of each extended projection.
• Left-branch and intensifier extraction (28)–(30), quantifier float, the Adjunct Condition, and the Coordinate Structure Constraint of Appendix B.

References

• Bošković 2018, On movement out of moved elements, labels, and phases
• Chomsky 2013, Problems of Projection formalized
• Collins 2005, A Smuggling Approach to the Passive in English formalized