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Studies.BhattPancheva2004

Bhatt and Pancheva (2004): Late Merger of Degree Clauses #

Bhatt and Pancheva propose that a degree clause, the than- or as-phrase, is merged countercyclically as the complement of the degree head after the head has raised to its scope position, so the surface site of the clause marks the scope of the comparison. This refines Williams's generalization: the degree head scopes at least as high as its clause, by countercyclic merger, and exactly as high, because Trace Conversion would otherwise intersect the clause into the second argument of the nonconservative -er and yield a contradiction.

Main results #

Implementation notes #

References #

The Heim–Kennedy constraint (Section 4.1) #

The LF (22a) of every girl is exactly 1 inch taller than that, with the quantifier over the DegP, is [every girl [λx [[DegP exactly 1 inch -er than that] [λd [x is d-tall]]]]].

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    The LF (22b) puts the DegP over the quantifier, [[DegP exactly 1 inch -er than that] [λd [every girl [λx [x is d-tall]]]]].

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      theorem BhattPancheva2004.hkc_22 :
      Degree.IsHeimKennedy (RoseTree.cCommand lf22a) { toList := [0] } { toList := [1, 0, 0] } { toList := [1, 0, 1, 0, 1, 0] } ∧ ¬Degree.IsHeimKennedy (RoseTree.cCommand lf22b) { toList := [1, 0, 0] } { toList := [0] } { toList := [1, 0, 1, 0, 1, 0] }

      (24) admits (22a) and excludes (22b), where the quantifier's scope contains the degree trace but not the DegP, the configuration (25).

      The Extraposition-Scope Generalization (Section 5.2) #

      The LF (43a) of Mary climbed higher than 1,000 feet before you did puts the before-clause over the DegP, [[Mary [[climbed [t high]] [DegP -er than 1,000 feet]]] [before you did]].

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        The LF (43b) puts the DegP over the before-clause, [[[Mary [climbed [t high]]] [before you did]] [DegP -er than 1,000 feet]].

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          theorem BhattPancheva2004.hkc_43 :
          Degree.IsHeimKennedy (RoseTree.cCommand lf43a) { toList := [1] } { toList := [0, 1, 1] } { toList := [0, 1, 0, 1, 0] } ∧ ¬Degree.IsHeimKennedy (RoseTree.cCommand lf43b) { toList := [0, 1] } { toList := [1] } { toList := [0, 0, 1, 1, 0] }

          (43) has the reading with the before-clause over the comparison and not the reading with the comparison over the before-clause, in which the before-clause's scope contains the degree trace but not the DegP; (44), whose clause is merged above the before-clause, has only the LF (43b).

          The site of an extraposed clause relative to the operator the comparison may scope over.

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            @[instance_reducible]
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            def BhattPancheva2004.instReprSite.repr :
            Site → ℕ → Std.Format
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              An extraposition datum records the clause's site, whether its associate is the bare DegP rather than a comparative DP, and whether the comparison's narrow and wide scope readings are available.

              • site : Site
              • degP : Bool
              • narrow : Bool
              • wide : Bool
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                def BhattPancheva2004.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  def BhattPancheva2004.instReprRow.repr :
                  Row → ℕ → Std.Format
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                    A row from the paper's features.

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                      The extraposition data of Section 5.2, (41) to (46) and (53) to (54).

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                        theorem BhattPancheva2004.at_least_as_high (r : Row) :
                        r ∈ rows → r.site = Site.high → r.narrow = false

                        Countercyclic merger derives one half of (39), (38), since a clause merged above an operator leaves the comparison no scope below it, (42), (44), (46), (53b) and (54b).

                        theorem BhattPancheva2004.exactly_as_high :
                        (∀ r ∈ rows, r.degP = true → r.site = Site.low → r.wide = false) ∧ ∀ r ∈ rows, r.degP = false → r.site = Site.low → r.wide = true

                        In the other half of (39), a bare DegP whose clause is merged below an operator has no scope above it, (43), (53a) and (54a), whereas a comparative DP raises with its clause, (41) and (45).

                        Ellipsis and Condition C mark the scope of the comparison (Section 6) #

                        An LF of her father tells her to work harder than Mary's boss does, (62) and (69), records the tree and the positions of the DegP, the degree clause, the pronoun, the matrix predicate and the matrix and embedded VPs.

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                          With the clause merged low, at the embedded clause, the LF is (69a), [her father [tells [her [[λd PRO to work d-hard] [-er than Mary's boss does]]]]].

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                            With the clause merged high, at the matrix clause, the LF is (69c), [[λd her father tells her to work d-hard] [-er than Mary's boss does]].

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                              The Ellipsis-Scope Generalization, (59), holds on the LFs of (62). The scope of the DegP contains the embedded VP at either site and the matrix VP only at the high site, so the reading (62b), the clause merged low with the matrix VP elided, is the one missing.

                              theorem BhattPancheva2004.conditionC_scope (lf : TellLF) :
                              lf ∈ [low, high] → ((lf.pronoun, lf.clause) ∈ RoseTree.cCommand lf.tree ↔ (lf.degP, lf.tells) ∉ RoseTree.cCommand lf.tree)

                              The Condition C–Scope Generalization, (69) and (70), holds, since the pronoun c-commands the name in the degree clause exactly when the comparison does not scope over the matrix predicate.

                              Nonconservativity forces late merger (Section 7) #

                              def BhattPancheva2004.erSem {D : Type u_2} (A B : Set D) :

                              The comparative degree quantifier, (84), holds when its first argument, the degree clause, is a proper subset of its second.

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                                theorem BhattPancheva2004.erSem_Iic_iff {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : Entity → D) (a b : Entity) :
                                erSem (Set.Iic (μ b)) (Set.Iic (μ a)) ↔ μ b < μ a

                                On [Ken99]'s positive extents -er compares the measures, (85).

                                theorem BhattPancheva2004.erSem_inter_contradictory {D : Type u_2} (A B : Set D) :
                                ¬erSem A (A ∩ B)

                                Trace Conversion of an early-merged degree clause intersects it into the second argument, and A ⊂ A ∩ B is a contradiction, (86) and (87).

                                A conservative quantifier is unaffected by the intersection, and -er is not conservative, (82) against (86).