Bhatt and Pancheva (2004): Late Merger of Degree Clauses #
Bhatt and Pancheva propose that a degree clause, the than- or as-phrase, is merged countercyclically as the complement of the degree head after the head has raised to its scope position, so the surface site of the clause marks the scope of the comparison. This refines Williams's generalization: the degree head scopes at least as high as its clause, by countercyclic merger, and exactly as high, because Trace Conversion would otherwise intersect the clause into the second argument of the nonconservative -er and yield a contradiction.
Main results #
hkc_22,hkc_43: the Heim–Kennedy constraint excludes the LFs (22b) and (43b).at_least_as_high,exactly_as_high: the Extraposition-Scope Generalization, (39), on the rows.ellipsisScope: the Ellipsis-Scope Generalization, (59), on the LFs of (62).conditionC_scope: the Condition C–Scope Generalization on the LFs of (69).erSem_not_conservative: -er is not conservative, (86), so the clause merges only at the DegP's scope position.
Implementation notes #
- LFs are category-free trees at the paper's bracketing,
PhraseStructure.Tree Unit String, with non-branching and elided material written as one leaf; scope isBranching.cCommandand the constraintDegree.IsHeimKennedyon it. - The comparative of (84) is
erSem, proper inclusion of degree sets, and (85) is its value on [Ken99]'s positive extents; Trace Conversion itself is not formalized, only the second argument it hands-er. - Section 4.2 is [Hei00]'s result and is
Heim2001.forall_collapse; the ordering constraint between than- and result clauses, (48) and (50), and the ellipsis resolution of Section 6.3 are recorded as rows.
References #
The Heim–Kennedy constraint (Section 4.1) #
The LF (22a) of every girl is exactly 1 inch taller than that, with the quantifier over the
DegP, is [every girl [λx [[DegP exactly 1 inch -er than that] [λd [x is d-tall]]]]].
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The LF (22b) puts the DegP over the quantifier,
[[DegP exactly 1 inch -er than that] [λd [every girl [λx [x is d-tall]]]]].
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(24) admits (22a) and excludes (22b), where the quantifier's scope contains the degree trace but not the DegP, the configuration (25).
The Extraposition-Scope Generalization (Section 5.2) #
The LF (43a) of Mary climbed higher than 1,000 feet before you did puts the before-clause
over the DegP, [[Mary [[climbed [t high]] [DegP -er than 1,000 feet]]] [before you did]].
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The LF (43b) puts the DegP over the before-clause,
[[[Mary [climbed [t high]]] [before you did]] [DegP -er than 1,000 feet]].
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(43) has the reading with the before-clause over the comparison and not the reading with the comparison over the before-clause, in which the before-clause's scope contains the degree trace but not the DegP; (44), whose clause is merged above the before-clause, has only the LF (43b).
The site of an extraposed clause relative to the operator the comparison may scope over.
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- BhattPancheva2004.instDecidableEqSite x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- BhattPancheva2004.instReprSite = { reprPrec := BhattPancheva2004.instReprSite.repr }
An extraposition datum records the clause's site, whether its associate is the bare DegP rather than a comparative DP, and whether the comparison's narrow and wide scope readings are available.
- site : Site
- degP : Bool
- narrow : Bool
- wide : Bool
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- BhattPancheva2004.instReprRow = { reprPrec := BhattPancheva2004.instReprRow.repr }
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A row from the paper's features.
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The extraposition data of Section 5.2, (41) to (46) and (53) to (54).
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In the other half of (39), a bare DegP whose clause is merged below an operator has no scope above it, (43), (53a) and (54a), whereas a comparative DP raises with its clause, (41) and (45).
Ellipsis and Condition C mark the scope of the comparison (Section 6) #
An LF of her father tells her to work harder than Mary's boss does, (62) and (69), records the tree and the positions of the DegP, the degree clause, the pronoun, the matrix predicate and the matrix and embedded VPs.
- tree : PhraseStructure.Tree Unit String
- degP : Core.Order.TreePath
- clause : Core.Order.TreePath
- pronoun : Core.Order.TreePath
- tells : Core.Order.TreePath
- matrixVP : Core.Order.TreePath
- embeddedVP : Core.Order.TreePath
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With the clause merged low, at the embedded clause, the LF is (69a),
[her father [tells [her [[λd PRO to work d-hard] [-er than Mary's boss does]]]]].
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With the clause merged high, at the matrix clause, the LF is (69c),
[[λd her father tells her to work d-hard] [-er than Mary's boss does]].
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The Ellipsis-Scope Generalization, (59), holds on the LFs of (62). The scope of the DegP contains the embedded VP at either site and the matrix VP only at the high site, so the reading (62b), the clause merged low with the matrix VP elided, is the one missing.
The Condition C–Scope Generalization, (69) and (70), holds, since the pronoun c-commands the name in the degree clause exactly when the comparison does not scope over the matrix predicate.
Nonconservativity forces late merger (Section 7) #
The comparative degree quantifier, (84), holds when its first argument, the degree clause, is a proper subset of its second.
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- BhattPancheva2004.erSem A B = (A ⊂ B)
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Trace Conversion of an early-merged degree clause intersects it into the second argument,
and A ⊂ A ∩ B is a contradiction, (86) and (87).
A conservative quantifier is unaffected by the intersection, and -er is not conservative, (82)
against (86).