Documentation

Studies.Benz2025

Benz (2025): Structure and interpretation across categories #

Three case studies on the syntax–LF interface in German run on the contextual-allosemy substrate of DistributedMorphology.Allosemy ([Ben25]). One nominalization structure yields the event, referential and content readings of Beobachtung, the variation lying in the allosemes of v and n (Ch. 3, after [Woo23]). The co-occurrence restrictions among inseparable prefixes, separable particles and resultative secondary predicates follow from a phrase-structural factor, that the inner element be a head, together with an event-structural one, [Ten94]'s Single Delimiting Constraint (Ch. 4), and the particle "structure problem" of [Lud01] is solved differently by the three nominalization types, whose distribution of preverbal elements follows from their solutions, while -ung further demands the complex change-of-state structure of [RK10] (Ch. 5).

Implementation notes #

Alloseme selection is the substrate's own engine: allosemes are Vocabulary Items over neighborhoods, applicability is the Subset Principle, and the canonical choice is Elsewhere competition. The readings are derived from typed denotations, and the co-occurrence and nominalization paradigms are predicted cell by cell against the example rows, the Table 3 combinations, the resultative data of [Cre20] and the -ung and Ge-…-e forms of Ch. 5, with the base verbs read from the German fragment.

References #

def Benz2025.entryOf (form : String) :

The fragment entry of a verb form named in a row.

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    Content nominalizations (Ch. 3) #

    The (32) stimulus rows, in margin-label order Event, RN, Content.

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      The reading a stimulus row exemplifies, from its reading feature. The paper's loose "RN" label is rendered as the simple entity reading.

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        Readings from allosemes #

        The alloseme pair deriving each reading on the adopted analysis, where v is semantically vacuous on all readings but the CEN (§3.5, following [Woo23]). By adopted_roundtrip and adopted_unique, this is the unique derivation of each reading in which the two heads are not both contentful.

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          Among derivations in which the two heads are not both contentful, the adopted pair is the only one deriving the reading: economy of interpretation pins the analysis.

          Alloseme selection in the nominalization structure #

          vContext eventive is v's context in the nominalization structure [n [v √]], with the root, event-entailing or not, as its complement and n above it.

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            nContext eventive is n's context in [n [v √]], with a verbal complement, eventive or not.

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              availableReadings eventive lists the readings derivable in the nominalization structure, those of any licensed v alloseme composed with any licensed n alloseme.

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                Every attested Beobachtung reading ((32)) is available in the single structure: the engine licenses the allosemes and composition delivers the readings.

                Without an event-entailing root neither the complex event nor the result reading is derivable; the content reading survives, since simple content nouns like Gerücht 'rumor' need no verbal source (Table 2).

                Typed alloseme denotations (Ch. 3) #

                The denotations of the deverbal allosemes, after [Woo23] as taken over in Ch. 3: nominalization semantics runs over a domain in which eventualities are entities, and each n alloseme builds an entity predicate from what v hands it. The reading typology is then derived, not tabulated: readings exist exactly where the composition is defined (readingFromAllosemes_isSome_iff_denote), and the analytical options for the result and content readings compose to identical entity predicates (result_options_pred_agree, content_options_agree).

                structure Benz2025.NominalizationModel (E : Type u_3) (S : Type u_4) :
                Type (max u_3 u_4)

                A model for nominalization denotations embeds the eventualities into the entity domain, since a nominal can describe an event as an entity, and splits them into stative and dynamic; result relates an entity to the eventuality that produced it, and hasContent picks out the entities with propositional content.

                • ev : S → E

                  Eventualities as entities.

                • ev_injective : Function.Injective self.ev
                • stative : S → Prop

                  Stative eventualities.

                • result : E → S → Prop

                  The entity is the result of the eventuality.

                • hasContent : E → Prop

                  The entity has propositional content (rumor, idea, claim).

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                  structure Benz2025.RootMeaning (E : Type u_3) (S : Type u_4) :
                  Type (max u_3 u_4)

                  A root contributes to nominalization semantics what it says of entities and of eventualities, and its Theme relation, which relates an eventuality of the root's kind to the entity it is predicated of.

                  • onEntities : E → Prop
                  • onEvents : S → Prop
                  • theme : E → S → Prop
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                    inductive Benz2025.VerbalDenotation (E : Type u_3) (S : Type u_4) :
                    Type (max u_3 u_4)

                    v hands to n verbal event content together with the Theme position it introduces under the eventive alloseme (§2.2), and the untouched root with no argument position under the zero alloseme, since v then introduces none (§3.5).

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                      structure Benz2025.NominalDenotation (E : Type u_3) (S : Type u_4) :
                      Type u_3

                      A nominal denotation is the entity predicate, together with the internal-argument relation when the nominal retains one. The relation is present exactly when v introduced the Theme position — no such position is part of the denotation unless v contributes it (§2.2, §3.5).

                      • pred : E → Prop

                        What the nominal describes.

                      • internalArg : Option (E → E → Prop)

                        internalArg y x holds when y saturates the Theme position of the nominal x (the observation of the sky).

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                        denoteN m d a applies the n alloseme a to v's output d, and is none where the combination is uninterpretable. The CEN describes the events the verb describes and retains the Theme position v introduced; the SEN predicates the root's entity content of an event-entity; the result alloseme picks out what an event of the root's kind produced ([Woo23]'s denotation); the content alloseme ignores the verbal layer entirely. The non-deverbal allosemes have their semantics in Semantics/Possession/Relationalizer.lean.

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                          The event and result readings are mirror images at the entity-predicate level: the two analytical options for the result reading — eventive v with n's result alloseme, or vacuous v with the same — agree on what the nominal describes (§3.5, crediting [Woo23]).

                          ...but not on argument structure: on the both-heads-interpreted option the result nominal retains the internal-argument position v introduced, on the v-vacuous option it has none. Since result nominals cannot saturate an internal argument, this is the reason for adopting the vacuous option for the RN reading (§3.5, following [Woo23]).

                          CENs retain argument structure: the complex event nominal carries the Theme position v introduced (the observation of the sky), which is what separates it from every zero-v reading (zero_v_no_argument_structure).

                          No zero-v reading has an internal-argument position: none is introduced by v, so none is part of the denotation (§3.5).

                          The content reading likewise ignores the verbal layer: both v options compose to hasContent, which is how simple content nouns can have the reading with no verbal source at all (§3.5).

                          The reading typology tracks denotational definedness: a (v, n) pair has a reading exactly when its composed denotation is defined.

                          A complex event nominal holds only of event-entities: the ground of its event reading (temporal modification, aspectual behavior).

                          Prefixes, particles, and resultatives (Ch. 4) #

                          A German preverbal element is an inseparable prefix (be-, ent-, er-, ver-, zer-), a separable particle (ab-, an-, auf-, aus-, ein-) or a resultative secondary predicate (platt, tot, kaputt).

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                              A head, which can sit inside a complex head, or a phrase, which cannot incorporate.

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                                def Benz2025.instReprSynLevel.repr :
                                SynLevel → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                  Prefixes are heads forming a complex head with the root, inseparable under V2 movement; particles and resultatives are phrasal, stranded under V2 ([Wur98], [Zel01]).

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                                    An element either obligatorily specifies a result state, as prefixes and resultatives do, or does not, as particles with their non-delimiting directional and completive readings (§4.4).

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                                        The two factors #

                                        The inner element, closer to the root, must be a head: a head outside a phrase cannot form a complex head with the root, and a phrasal outer element competes with a phrasal inner one for the verb's single complement position (§4.4).

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                                          Two obligatory result-state specifiers conflict, since the end state of a complex event is specified once: [Ten94]'s Single Delimiting Constraint, (159).

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                                            A combination is predicted possible iff both factors permit it (§4.4).

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                                              instance Benz2025.instDecidableAllowed (outer inner : PreverbalElement) :
                                              Decidable (Allowed outer inner)
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                                              theorem Benz2025.allowed_iff (outer inner : PreverbalElement) :
                                              Allowed outer inner ↔ outer = PreverbalElement.prt ∧ inner = PreverbalElement.pfx

                                              The particle-over-prefix order is the one allowed combination ((84) aus-er-wählen, an-ver-trauen, vor-ent-halten).

                                              Neither factor alone predicts the paradigm: structure permits prefix over prefix, which the constraint excludes, and the constraint permits prefix over particle, which structure excludes.

                                              The printed Table 3 marks the merged pfx/PRT-RSP row's interpretation cell excluded, but on the account's own classification only the prefix half is: for a particle over a resultative the structural factor does the work, and only some such verbs are also ruled out semantically (§4.4).

                                              Blocking derivations #

                                              A derivation that a combination violates one of the two principles.

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                                                theorem Benz2025.blocked_iff (outer inner : PreverbalElement) :
                                                Blocked outer inner ↔ ¬Allowed outer inner

                                                The two principles generate exactly the paradigm: a combination has a blocking derivation iff it is not allowed.

                                                The paradigm against the examples #

                                                CellAcceptable e holds when the combination the row tests is acceptable, the combination being the row's alternative where it gives one ((87) and (88) pair a resultative baseline with the blocked prefixed or particle form) and the row itself otherwise.

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                                                  theorem Benz2025.allowed_rows (e : Datum) :
                                                  e ∈ Examples.all → ∀ o ∈ (e.feature? "outer").bind elementOf, ∀ i ∈ (e.feature? "inner").bind elementOf, Allowed o i ↔ CellAcceptable e

                                                  Table 3 agrees with its examples ((81)–(84), (86)–(88)): a combination is acceptable exactly when both factors allow it.

                                                  German resultative data (§4.2) #

                                                  Complex predicate semantics after [Wil15], adopted at (158): the M(eans) predicate is the verb, the R(esult) predicate the resultative, and the End Theme Postulate (108) links the complex event's Theme to the end state.

                                                  The resultative stimulus rows ((89), (115); the (115) rows are due to [Cre20]).

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                                                    theorem Benz2025.rsp_rows_have_entries (e : Datum) :
                                                    e ∈ rspRows → ((e.feature? "m_predicate").bind entryOf).isSome = true

                                                    Every resultative row names a means predicate with a fragment entry.

                                                    theorem Benz2025.rsp_verb_classes (e : Datum) :
                                                    e ∈ rspRows → ∀ v ∈ (e.feature? "m_predicate").bind entryOf, e.feature? "verb_class" = some "unaccusative" ↔ v.IsUnaccusative

                                                    The rows' verb-class labels follow the fragment entries of their means predicates.

                                                    theorem Benz2025.unaccusative_means :
                                                    ∃ e ∈ rspRows, ∃ v ∈ (e.feature? "m_predicate").bind entryOf, v.IsUnaccusative

                                                    German allows non-unergative means predicates in resultatives ((115e) frieren), against weak-resultative reanalyses of the whole class.

                                                    Prefixes in nominalizations (Ch. 5) #

                                                    German nominalizes by -ung suffixation, by Ge-…-e circumfixation, and by the nominalized infinitive.

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                                                        A solution to the particle structure problem ([Lud01]), how a phrasal particle ends up inside a derived nominal: the nominalizer takes phrasal structure, the particle attaches low as a head, or the particle attaches outside the nominalizer.

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                                                            The solution each type favors (§5.2–5.4): nominalized infinitives take phrasal inputs, -ung particles as heads, Ge-…-e outer attachment ((223)), since its eventive semantics without an internal argument conflicts with prefix verbs' argument-structural demands.

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                                                              The element can attach as a non-phrasal head: prefixes always, particles low (§5.3), and resultatives never ((205)–(206)).

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                                                                s.Admits pe holds when the solution s accommodates the element pe: phrasal inputs admit everything, particles-as-heads the head-attachers, outer attachment the phrasal elements, since a prefix is a verbal head and cannot attach outside a noun.

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                                                                  -ung requires complex change-of-state event structure ([RK10], endorsed at §5.3.1), the accomplishments of the fragment.

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                                                                    A row's nominalization type.

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                                                                      Predicted e holds when the account predicts the nominalization row e: the type's solution accommodates the preverbal element, and an -ung form has a base with complex change-of-state structure.

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                                                                        instance Benz2025.instDecidablePredicted (e : Datum) :
                                                                        Decidable (Predicted e)
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                                                                        theorem Benz2025.nominalization_rows_have_entries (e : Datum) :
                                                                        e ∈ Examples.all → (nominalizationOf e).isSome = true → ((e.feature? "verb").bind entryOf).isSome = true

                                                                        Every nominalization row names a verb with a fragment entry.

                                                                        theorem Benz2025.nominalization_rows (e : Datum) :
                                                                        e ∈ Examples.all → (nominalizationOf e).isSome = true → (Predicted e ↔ e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable)

                                                                        The Ch. 5 distribution ((193), (197), (198), (204), (212), (216), (218)): a nominalization is acceptable exactly when the account predicts it.