Benz (2025): Structure and interpretation across categories #
Three case studies on the syntax–LF interface in German run on the contextual-allosemy
substrate of DistributedMorphology.Allosemy ([Ben25]). One nominalization structure
yields the event, referential and content readings of Beobachtung, the variation lying in
the allosemes of v and n (Ch. 3, after [Woo23]). The co-occurrence restrictions among
inseparable prefixes, separable particles and resultative secondary predicates follow from a
phrase-structural factor, that the inner element be a head, together with an event-structural
one, [Ten94]'s Single Delimiting Constraint (Ch. 4), and the particle "structure
problem" of [Lud01] is solved differently by the three nominalization types, whose
distribution of preverbal elements follows from their solutions, while -ung further demands
the complex change-of-state structure of [RK10] (Ch. 5).
Implementation notes #
Alloseme selection is the substrate's own engine: allosemes are Vocabulary Items over neighborhoods, applicability is the Subset Principle, and the canonical choice is Elsewhere competition. The readings are derived from typed denotations, and the co-occurrence and nominalization paradigms are predicted cell by cell against the example rows, the Table 3 combinations, the resultative data of [Cre20] and the -ung and Ge-…-e forms of Ch. 5, with the base verbs read from the German fragment.
References #
The fragment entry of a verb form named in a row.
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- Benz2025.entryOf form = List.find? (fun (x : German.Verb) => decide (x.form = form)) German.Verbs.allVerbs
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Content nominalizations (Ch. 3) #
The (32) stimulus rows, in margin-label order Event, RN, Content.
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The reading a stimulus row exemplifies, from its reading feature. The paper's loose "RN"
label is rendered as the simple entity reading.
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Readings from allosemes #
The alloseme pair deriving each reading on the adopted analysis, where v is semantically
vacuous on all readings but the CEN (§3.5, following [Woo23]). By adopted_roundtrip and
adopted_unique, this is the unique derivation of each reading in which the two heads are not
both contentful.
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Each reading is recovered from its adopted alloseme pair.
Among derivations in which the two heads are not both contentful, the adopted pair is the only one deriving the reading: economy of interpretation pins the analysis.
The reading pins the division of labor (the "mirror image" claim of §3.5): an event reading arises only from contentful v with vacuous n, while a result or content reading forces the corresponding contentful n, whatever v contributes.
Alloseme selection in the nominalization structure #
vContext eventive is v's context in the nominalization structure [n [v √]], with the root,
event-entailing or not, as its complement and n above it.
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nContext eventive is n's context in [n [v √]], with a verbal complement, eventive or not.
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availableReadings eventive lists the readings derivable in the nominalization structure,
those of any licensed v alloseme composed with any licensed n alloseme.
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Over an event-entailing root both v allosemes are licensed, the premise of the reading ambiguity, while a non-eventive root licenses only vacuous v.
The canonical v alloseme of the root typology is the engine's Elsewhere winner: the more specified eventive entry beats vacuous v exactly when the root entails an event.
Every attested Beobachtung reading ((32)) is available in the single structure: the engine licenses the allosemes and composition delivers the readings.
Without an event-entailing root neither the complex event nor the result reading is derivable; the content reading survives, since simple content nouns like Gerücht 'rumor' need no verbal source (Table 2).
Typed alloseme denotations (Ch. 3) #
The denotations of the deverbal allosemes, after [Woo23] as taken over
in Ch. 3: nominalization semantics runs over a domain in which eventualities
are entities, and each n alloseme builds an entity predicate from what v
hands it. The reading typology is then derived, not tabulated: readings exist
exactly where the composition is defined
(readingFromAllosemes_isSome_iff_denote), and the analytical options for
the result and content readings compose to identical entity predicates
(result_options_pred_agree, content_options_agree).
A model for nominalization denotations embeds the eventualities into the entity domain, since
a nominal can describe an event as an entity, and splits them into stative and dynamic; result
relates an entity to the eventuality that produced it, and hasContent picks out the entities with
propositional content.
- ev : S → E
Eventualities as entities.
- ev_injective : Function.Injective self.ev
- stative : S → Prop
Stative eventualities.
- result : E → S → Prop
The entity is the result of the eventuality.
- hasContent : E → Prop
The entity has propositional content (rumor, idea, claim).
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A root contributes to nominalization semantics what it says of entities and of eventualities, and its Theme relation, which relates an eventuality of the root's kind to the entity it is predicated of.
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v hands to n verbal event content together with the Theme position it introduces under the eventive alloseme (§2.2), and the untouched root with no argument position under the zero alloseme, since v then introduces none (§3.5).
- eventive {E : Type u_3} {S : Type u_4} (p : S → Prop) (theme : E → S → Prop) : VerbalDenotation E S
- zero {E : Type u_3} {S : Type u_4} (ρ : RootMeaning E S) : VerbalDenotation E S
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denoteV ρ a applies the v alloseme a to the root ρ.
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A nominal denotation is the entity predicate, together with the internal-argument relation when the nominal retains one. The relation is present exactly when v introduced the Theme position — no such position is part of the denotation unless v contributes it (§2.2, §3.5).
- pred : E → Prop
What the nominal describes.
- internalArg : Option (E → E → Prop)
internalArg y xholds whenysaturates the Theme position of the nominalx(the observation of the sky).
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denoteN m d a applies the n alloseme a to v's output d, and is none where the
combination is uninterpretable. The CEN describes the events the verb describes and
retains the Theme position v introduced; the SEN predicates the root's
entity content of an event-entity; the result alloseme picks out what an
event of the root's kind produced ([Woo23]'s denotation); the content
alloseme ignores the verbal layer entirely. The non-deverbal allosemes
have their semantics in Semantics/Possession/Relationalizer.lean.
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- Benz2025.denoteN m (Benz2025.VerbalDenotation.eventive p theme) (some DistributedMorphology.Allosemy.Nominalizer.Contentful.content) = some { pred := m.hasContent }
- Benz2025.denoteN m (Benz2025.VerbalDenotation.zero ρ) (some DistributedMorphology.Allosemy.Nominalizer.Contentful.entity) = some { pred := ρ.onEntities }
- Benz2025.denoteN m (Benz2025.VerbalDenotation.zero ρ) (some DistributedMorphology.Allosemy.Nominalizer.Contentful.content) = some { pred := m.hasContent }
- Benz2025.denoteN m x✝¹ x✝ = none
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The event and result readings are mirror images at the entity-predicate level: the two analytical options for the result reading — eventive v with n's result alloseme, or vacuous v with the same — agree on what the nominal describes (§3.5, crediting [Woo23]).
...but not on argument structure: on the both-heads-interpreted option the result nominal retains the internal-argument position v introduced, on the v-vacuous option it has none. Since result nominals cannot saturate an internal argument, this is the reason for adopting the vacuous option for the RN reading (§3.5, following [Woo23]).
CENs retain argument structure: the complex event nominal carries
the Theme position v introduced (the observation of the sky), which is
what separates it from every zero-v reading
(zero_v_no_argument_structure).
No zero-v reading has an internal-argument position: none is introduced by v, so none is part of the denotation (§3.5).
The content reading likewise ignores the verbal layer: both v
options compose to hasContent, which is how simple content nouns can
have the reading with no verbal source at all (§3.5).
The reading typology tracks denotational definedness: a (v, n) pair has a reading exactly when its composed denotation is defined.
A complex event nominal holds only of event-entities: the ground of its event reading (temporal modification, aspectual behavior).
Prefixes, particles, and resultatives (Ch. 4) #
A German preverbal element is an inseparable prefix (be-, ent-, er-, ver-, zer-), a separable particle (ab-, an-, auf-, aus-, ein-) or a resultative secondary predicate (platt, tot, kaputt).
- pfx : PreverbalElement
- prt : PreverbalElement
- rsp : PreverbalElement
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- Benz2025.instDecidableEqPreverbalElement x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Benz2025.instReprPreverbalElement = { reprPrec := Benz2025.instReprPreverbalElement.repr }
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A head, which can sit inside a complex head, or a phrase, which cannot incorporate.
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- Benz2025.instDecidableEqSynLevel x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Benz2025.instReprSynLevel = { reprPrec := Benz2025.instReprSynLevel.repr }
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- Benz2025.instReprSynLevel.repr Benz2025.SynLevel.head prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Benz2025.SynLevel.head")).group prec✝
- Benz2025.instReprSynLevel.repr Benz2025.SynLevel.phrase prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Benz2025.SynLevel.phrase")).group prec✝
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An element either obligatorily specifies a result state, as prefixes and resultatives do, or does not, as particles with their non-delimiting directional and completive readings (§4.4).
- specifies : ResultStateSpec
- neutral : ResultStateSpec
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- Benz2025.instDecidableEqResultStateSpec x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Benz2025.instReprResultStateSpec = { reprPrec := Benz2025.instReprResultStateSpec.repr }
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The two factors #
The inner element, closer to the root, must be a head: a head outside a phrase cannot form a complex head with the root, and a phrasal outer element competes with a phrasal inner one for the verb's single complement position (§4.4).
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- Benz2025.IncorporationAllowed _outer inner = (inner = Benz2025.SynLevel.head)
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- Benz2025.instDecidableIncorporationAllowed outer inner = Benz2025.instDecidableIncorporationAllowed._aux_1 outer inner
Two obligatory result-state specifiers conflict, since the end state of a complex event is specified once: [Ten94]'s Single Delimiting Constraint, (159).
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- Benz2025.instDecidableResultStatesCompatible a b = { decide := !decide (a = Benz2025.ResultStateSpec.specifies ∧ b = Benz2025.ResultStateSpec.specifies), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
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- Benz2025.StructurallyCompatible outer inner = Benz2025.IncorporationAllowed outer.synLevel inner.synLevel
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- Benz2025.InterpretivelyCompatible outer inner = Benz2025.ResultStatesCompatible outer.resultSpec inner.resultSpec
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A combination is predicted possible iff both factors permit it (§4.4).
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- Benz2025.Allowed outer inner = (Benz2025.StructurallyCompatible outer inner ∧ Benz2025.InterpretivelyCompatible outer inner)
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- Benz2025.instDecidableStructurallyCompatible outer inner = Benz2025.instDecidableStructurallyCompatible._aux_1 outer inner
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The particle-over-prefix order is the one allowed combination ((84) aus-er-wählen, an-ver-trauen, vor-ent-halten).
Neither factor alone predicts the paradigm: structure permits prefix over prefix, which the constraint excludes, and the constraint permits prefix over particle, which structure excludes.
The printed Table 3 marks the merged pfx/PRT-RSP row's interpretation cell excluded, but on the account's own classification only the prefix half is: for a particle over a resultative the structural factor does the work, and only some such verbs are also ruled out semantically (§4.4).
Blocking derivations #
A derivation that a combination violates one of the two principles.
- byPhrasalInner
{o i : PreverbalElement}
: i.synLevel = SynLevel.phrase → Blocked o i
A phrasal element cannot occupy the inner position (§4.4).
- bySingleDelimiting
{o i : PreverbalElement}
: o.resultSpec = ResultStateSpec.specifies → i.resultSpec = ResultStateSpec.specifies → Blocked o i
Two obligatory result-state specifiers conflict ((159)).
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The two principles generate exactly the paradigm: a combination has a blocking derivation iff it is not allowed.
The paradigm against the examples #
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- Benz2025.elementOf "pfx" = some Benz2025.PreverbalElement.pfx
- Benz2025.elementOf "prt" = some Benz2025.PreverbalElement.prt
- Benz2025.elementOf "rsp" = some Benz2025.PreverbalElement.rsp
- Benz2025.elementOf x✝ = none
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CellAcceptable e holds when the combination the row tests is acceptable, the combination
being the row's alternative where it gives one ((87) and (88) pair a resultative baseline with the
blocked prefixed or particle form) and the row itself otherwise.
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- Benz2025.CellAcceptable e = match e.alternatives with | [] => e.judgment = Judgment.acceptable | a :: tail => a.2 = Judgment.acceptable
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Table 3 agrees with its examples ((81)–(84), (86)–(88)): a combination is acceptable exactly when both factors allow it.
German resultative data (§4.2) #
Complex predicate semantics after [Wil15], adopted at (158): the M(eans) predicate is the verb, the R(esult) predicate the resultative, and the End Theme Postulate (108) links the complex event's Theme to the end state.
The resultative stimulus rows ((89), (115); the (115) rows are due to [Cre20]).
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The rows' verb-class labels follow the fragment entries of their means predicates.
German allows non-unergative means predicates in resultatives ((115e) frieren), against weak-resultative reanalyses of the whole class.
Prefixes in nominalizations (Ch. 5) #
German nominalizes by -ung suffixation, by Ge-…-e circumfixation, and by the nominalized infinitive.
- ung : NominalizationType
- geE : NominalizationType
- infinitive : NominalizationType
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- Benz2025.instDecidableEqNominalizationType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Benz2025.instReprNominalizationType = { reprPrec := Benz2025.instReprNominalizationType.repr }
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A solution to the particle structure problem ([Lud01]), how a phrasal particle ends up inside a derived nominal: the nominalizer takes phrasal structure, the particle attaches low as a head, or the particle attaches outside the nominalizer.
- phrasalInput : StructureSolution
- particleAsHead : StructureSolution
- outerAttachment : StructureSolution
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- Benz2025.instDecidableEqStructureSolution x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Benz2025.instReprStructureSolution = { reprPrec := Benz2025.instReprStructureSolution.repr }
The solution each type favors (§5.2–5.4): nominalized infinitives take phrasal inputs, -ung particles as heads, Ge-…-e outer attachment ((223)), since its eventive semantics without an internal argument conflicts with prefix verbs' argument-structural demands.
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The element can attach as a non-phrasal head: prefixes always, particles low (§5.3), and resultatives never ((205)–(206)).
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- Benz2025.PreverbalElement.rsp.CanAttachAsHead = False
- x✝.CanAttachAsHead = True
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- Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead Benz2025.PreverbalElement.pfx = { decide := true, reflects_decide := Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead._proof_1 }
- Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead Benz2025.PreverbalElement.prt = { decide := true, reflects_decide := Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead._proof_2 }
- Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead Benz2025.PreverbalElement.rsp = { decide := false, reflects_decide := Benz2025.instDecidablePredPreverbalElementCanAttachAsHead._proof_3 }
s.Admits pe holds when the solution s accommodates the element pe: phrasal inputs admit
everything, particles-as-heads the head-attachers, outer attachment the phrasal elements, since a
prefix is a verbal head and cannot attach outside a noun.
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-ung requires complex change-of-state event structure ([RK10], endorsed at §5.3.1), the accomplishments of the fragment.
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- Benz2025.typeOf "ung" = some Benz2025.NominalizationType.ung
- Benz2025.typeOf "geE" = some Benz2025.NominalizationType.geE
- Benz2025.typeOf "infinitive" = some Benz2025.NominalizationType.infinitive
- Benz2025.typeOf x✝ = none
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A row's nominalization type.
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- Benz2025.nominalizationOf e = (e.feature? "nominalization").bind Benz2025.typeOf
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Predicted e holds when the account predicts the nominalization row e: the type's solution
accommodates the preverbal element, and an -ung form has a base with complex change-of-state
structure.
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Every nominalization row names a verb with a fragment entry.
The Ch. 5 distribution ((193), (197), (198), (204), (212), (216), (218)): a nominalization is acceptable exactly when the account predicts it.