Agha and Jeretič (2022): Weak Necessity Modals as Homogeneous Pluralities of Worlds #
Weak necessity modals take obligatory apparent wide scope over negation: you shouldn't go cannot be continued by but you are allowed to go, where you don't have to go can. Agha and Jeretič propose that should is to must what the is to all: strong necessity quantifies universally over the best worlds, while weak necessity predicates the prejacent of their plurality, which is neither true nor false when some best worlds satisfy it and some do not. Weak necessity is derived from strong necessity by an operator picking out the unique minimal set of a quantifier, which possibility lacks.
Main results #
should_eq_zero_iff,should_not: the gap arises exactly in mixed domains, and negation is symmetric and hence scopeless.not_exists_of_should_not,must_false_of_indet: a true negated should contradicts the existential continuation, where a negated must does not.must_eq_metaAssert_should,necessarily_removes_gap: necessarily removes the gap as all does.exception_tolerance,two_doors: Križ's usability gives the exception tolerance of the perfect-grade scenario and the indeterminacy of the two-doors scenario.x_must,possibility_witnesses: the derivation of weak necessity applies to necessity only.should_matches_grid,domainRestriction_fails_exactly_gap: over the paper's grid of judgments the plural semantics fits every cell, and domain restriction fails exactly the gaps.
Implementation notes #
should D p is Križ's plural predication with the best worlds D w as atoms. The grid reads each
example row as a cell (Cell.ofDatum): its polarity, its scenario, and the value judged, the
classical value the polarity fixes where all or no best worlds satisfy the prejacent, and the gap
or the recorded classical value in the mixed scenario. The proportional and degree-based rivals,
and the conditionals, generics and habituals of the closing section, are not formalized.
References #
Weak necessity as plural predication over worlds #
Weak necessity should D p predicates the prejacent of the plurality of best worlds D w.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.should D p w = SignType.supervaluation (D w) p
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Strong necessity must D p holds when the prejacent holds in every best world.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.must D p w = SignType.ofProp (∀ w' ∈ D w, p w')
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The sentence has a gap when some best worlds satisfy the prejacent and some do not.
Over a nonempty domain negating the prejacent negates the modal sentence, so the gap is symmetric and negation is scopeless.
A true negated weak necessity leaves no best world for the existential continuation.
Homogeneity removal #
Must is should with its gap removed, the universal quantifier being the meta-assertion of the plural predication, as all is of the.
In a mixed domain the negated bare should is not true, while the negated necessarily should is true and compatible with the existential continuation.
Borderline cases and exception tolerance #
The two doors to the living room.
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Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instDecidableEqDoor x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instFintypeDoor = { elems := { val := ↑AghaJeretic2022.Door.enumList, nodup := AghaJeretic2022.Door.enumList_nodup }, complete := AghaJeretic2022.instFintypeDoor._proof_1 }
Both doors are equally good, so both worlds are best.
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The issue that separates every world from every other.
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Taking the right door should be taken is neither true nor false — neither assertible nor deniable — while that it must be taken is false.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instDecidableEqGrade x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instFintypeGrade = { elems := { val := ↑AghaJeretic2022.Grade.enumList, nodup := AghaJeretic2022.Grade.enumList_nodup }, complete := AghaJeretic2022.instFintypeGrade._proof_1 }
The perfect-grade worlds under a world's rules.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.grade AghaJeretic2022.Grade.strictAll = {AghaJeretic2022.Grade.strictAll}
- AghaJeretic2022.grade AghaJeretic2022.Grade.strictMost = {AghaJeretic2022.Grade.strictAll}
- AghaJeretic2022.grade AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientAll = {AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientAll, AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientMost}
- AghaJeretic2022.grade AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientMost = {AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientAll, AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientMost}
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Doing every exercise.
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Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instDecidablePredGradeEveryExercise x✝ = { decide := decide (x✝ = AghaJeretic2022.Grade.strictAll) || decide (x✝ = AghaJeretic2022.Grade.lenientAll), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
What is a way to get a perfect grade? — every world answers alike.
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What are the minimal requirements? — worlds are grouped by their rules.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.minimalQUD = Setoid.ker AghaJeretic2022.grade
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Where most exercises suffice, you should do every exercise is usable under the first question but not the second, and you have to do every exercise under neither.
Domain restriction #
If weak necessity quantifies over a proper subset of the domain of allowed, the negated modal and the existential continuation are jointly satisfiable.
Deriving weak from strong necessity #
The quantifiers are families of sets of worlds, and the operator deriving weak necessity picks
out a minimal set in the family. For the universal quantifier (D ⊆ ·) that is mathlib's
minimal_ge_iff; the existential quantifier needs the lemma below.
The minimal sets in the existential quantifier over s are the singletons of its
elements.
The existential quantifier over a nonempty s has a minimal set.
The existential quantifier over an s with two or more elements has no unique minimal
set.
Strong necessity, as a quantifier over sets of worlds, has the domain as its unique minimal set, so picking that set out yields the plurality weak necessity denotes.
Possibility over two or more best worlds has minimal sets but no unique one, so a marker that needs only some minimal set applies to it and one that needs the unique minimal set does not.
The data #
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.instDecidableEqScenario x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- AghaJeretic2022.instReprScenario = { reprPrec := AghaJeretic2022.instReprScenario.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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A row reads as a cell from its polarity and scenario. The value judged is the one the polarity fixes where all or no best worlds satisfy the prejacent, and in the mixed scenario the gap where the paper reports one and the recorded classical value otherwise.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The polarity-by-scenario grid for should.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.shouldGrid = List.filterMap AghaJeretic2022.Cell.ofDatum (List.filter (fun (x : Datum) => x.feature? "modal" == some "should") AghaJeretic2022.Examples.all)
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A representative domain for each scenario, a world being the prejacent's truth value at it.
Equations
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The plural semantics' value at a cell predicates the negated prejacent at negative polarity.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.shouldPredict Polarity.positive s = AghaJeretic2022.should (fun (x : Bool) => AghaJeretic2022.scenarioDomain s) (fun (x : Bool) => x = true) true
- AghaJeretic2022.shouldPredict Polarity.negative s = AghaJeretic2022.should (fun (x : Bool) => AghaJeretic2022.scenarioDomain s) (fun (x : Bool) => x = false) true
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Domain restriction's value at a cell is universal quantification, negated by strong Kleene negation.
Equations
- AghaJeretic2022.domainRestrictionPredict Polarity.positive s = AghaJeretic2022.must (fun (x : Bool) => AghaJeretic2022.scenarioDomain s) (fun (x : Bool) => x = true) true
- AghaJeretic2022.domainRestrictionPredict Polarity.negative s = -AghaJeretic2022.must (fun (x : Bool) => AghaJeretic2022.scenarioDomain s) (fun (x : Bool) => x = true) true
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The plural semantics reproduces every cell of the should grid.
Domain restriction matches the classical cells and fails exactly the gap cells.
A negated weak necessity modal, however the negation is placed, rejects the existential continuation.
A strong necessity modal under extra-clausal negation accepts it.
Necessarily licenses the continuation wherever it is inserted.
NE on a possibility base is ungrammatical; counterfactual marking is grammatical on either base.