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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives

ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives — Theory of the resultative construction family #

@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}

Theory-side primitives for the four-way resultative construction family (causative/noncausative × property/path RP), the dual subevent structure, typed verbal/constructional subevent relations, and the compositional fusion machinery linking verb meaning to constructional contribution.

Paper data and per-datum verifications for @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} itself live in Phenomena/Constructions/Resultatives/Studies/GoldbergJackendoff2004.lean, which imports this file.

Core types #

Key derivations (no per-paper data) #

The fusion theorems (alternation_chain, noncausative_partial_chain, instrumentSpec_blocks_across_subconstructions, etc.) are universally quantified over arbitrary MeaningComponents and ResultativeSubconstruction.

Core types #

The kind of subevent in a resultative.

  • verbal : SubeventKind

    From the verb's lexical meaning (e.g., hammering, kicking)

  • constructional : SubeventKind

    From the construction (CAUSE + BECOME/GO)

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      How the verbal and constructional subevents are related (§3 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}).

      • means: The verbal subevent is the means by which the constructional subevent is brought about. This is the default relation for all four core subconstructions (97a–d). E.g., "hammer metal flat" — hammering is the means of causing flatness. Also holds for noncausative cases: "the river froze solid" — freezing is the means of becoming solid; "the ball rolled into the field" — rolling is the means of motion along the path.
      • result: The verbal subevent is a result of the constructional subevent (reversed directionality from means). Reserved for sound-emission resultatives (ex. 20: "The trolley rumbled through the tunnel" — rumbling results from motion) and disappearance resultatives (ex. 21: "The witch vanished into the forest" — vanishing results from motion).
      • instance_: The verbal subevent is an instance of the constructional subevent. For the follow-type cases (§7.1, ex. 55: "Bill followed the thief into the library" — following IS going-after) and ride/drive-type cases (ex. 56: "Bill rode a train to New York" — riding IS going-by-way-of).
      • coOccurrence: The two subevents merely co-occur without causal connection. The way construction ("She sang her way down the road") uses this relation. Some speakers accept CO-OCCURRENCE for sound-emission resultatives as well.
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          Type of result phrase.

          • property : RPType

            Adjectival/property result: "flat", "clean", "solid"

          • path : RPType

            Directional/path result: "into the field", "off the table"

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              The four subconstructions in the resultative family (@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §2, Table 1).

              Property RPPath RP
              CausativecausativePropertycausativePath
              NoncausativenoncausativePropertynoncausativePath
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                  Dual subevent structure (§3 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}) #

                  Description of a subevent via event-structural features.

                  The two booleans encode the presence of CAUSE and BECOME/GO operators in the subevent's event template (cf. Template in EventStructure.lean). Verbal subevents are typically ⟨false, false⟩ (bare manner/activity); constructional subevents are ⟨true, true⟩ (causative) or ⟨false, true⟩ (noncausative change-of-state/motion).

                  • hasCause : Bool

                    Whether CAUSE is part of this subevent

                  • hasBecome : Bool

                    Whether BECOME/GO is part of this subevent

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                          The dual subevent structure of a resultative (@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §3, Principle 25).

                          • verbal : SubeventDesc

                            The verbal subevent (from the verb's lexical semantics)

                          • constructional : SubeventDesc

                            The constructional subevent (from the construction)

                          • relation : SubeventRelation

                            How the subevents are related

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                                Derived constructional subevent #

                                The constructional subevent's event-structural features are fully determined by the subconstruction type: causative subconstructions have CAUSE + BECOME; noncausative subconstructions have BECOME only. Verbal subevents are always bare (no CAUSE, no BECOME) — the manner comes from the verb's lexical semantics, not from event-structural operators.

                                The verbal subevent is always a bare manner/activity (no CAUSE, no BECOME).

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                                  Causative subconstructions have CAUSE in their constructional subevent.

                                  All subconstructions have BECOME in the constructional subevent.

                                  Bridge to event structure templates #

                                  @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s constructional subevent maps to Rappaport Hovav & Levin's event structure templates: causative → accomplishment template, noncausative → achievement template. The hasCause/hasBecome features of SubeventDesc are exactly Template.HasCause/Template.HasResultState.

                                  Boundedness and aspect #

                                  Whether an RP denotes a bounded endpoint.

                                  Property RPs are typically bounded (reaching an endstate), but comparative/gradual APs ("hotter and hotter", "ever flatter") create unbounded property RPs (§4.1). Path RPs are bounded iff the goal is specific ("into the field" = bounded; "along the road" = unbounded).

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                                      Object selection (§2 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, ex. 7–9) #

                                      Within transitive resultatives, the object may be independently selected by the verb (selected) or licensed only by the construction (unselected). A special case of unselected: fake reflexives, where the object is a reflexive pronoun that cannot alternate with other NPs.

                                      How the postverbal NP is selected (§2).

                                      • selected : ObjectSelection

                                        Verb independently selects the object: "She watered the plants flat"

                                      • unselected : ObjectSelection

                                        Construction licenses the object (verb doesn't take it independently): "They drank the pub dry" (cf. *They drank the pub)

                                      • fakeReflexive : ObjectSelection

                                        Special unselected: reflexive object that cannot alternate with other NPs: "She laughed herself silly" (cf. *She laughed him silly)

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                                          Resultative entry #

                                          A resultative entry: verb + subconstruction + aspect.

                                          The dual subevent structure is derived from the subconstruction:

                                          • verbal desc: always verbalSubeventDesc (bare manner/activity)
                                          • constructional desc: subconstruction.constructionalDesc The subevent relation defaults to MEANS for all four core subconstructions; RESULT is used only for sound-emission and disappearance subtypes.

                                          The Levin class enables compositional fusion: verbMC.fuse cxn.semanticContribution derives predictions about alternation participation.

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                                                Derive the full dual subevent structure from the entry.

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                                                  The verb's inherent meaning components, from its Levin class.

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                                                    Aspectual profile (§4 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, Principle 27) #

                                                    The resultative's aspect is derived compositionally:

                                                    Derive the aspectual profile of a resultative from RP boundedness.

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                                                      Semantic roles and argument licensing #

                                                      Uses the canonical ThetaRole from the linking interface rather than a paper-specific enum. @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s four resultative-relevant roles map to: agent, patient, theme, goal (= "resultGoal" in their terminology).

                                                      An argument with its source (verb or construction).

                                                      • role : ThetaRole

                                                        The semantic role

                                                      • fromVerb : Bool

                                                        Whether this argument comes from the verb

                                                      • fromConstruction : Bool

                                                        Whether this argument comes from the construction

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                                                            Whether an argument is fused (shared between verb and construction).

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                                                              Full Argument Realization (FAR) — Principle 37, §6.1 #

                                                              All obligatory arguments of both the verb and the construction must be syntactically realized. Arguments shared between verb and construction fuse into a single syntactic position.

                                                              Check FAR: every role's source is accounted for.

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                                                                Semantic Coherence Principle — Principle 44, §6.2 #

                                                                A verb role rV and a construction role rC may fuse only if rV is construable as an instance of rC.

                                                                Which role pairs are coherent for fusion (Principle 44).

                                                                Agent can fuse with agent; patient with patient or theme; theme with patient or theme; goal with goal. All other combinations (experiencer, instrument, stimulus, source) are incoherent in the resultative construction.

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                                                                  Check semantic coherence: all fused arguments have coherent roles.

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                                                                    Temporal constraint (§4.2) #

                                                                    Temporal ordering between subevents is constrained by the subevent relation:

                                                                    Temporal ordering between subevents.

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                                                                        Check the temporal constraint given the subevent relation.

                                                                        For MEANS, the constructional subevent cannot precede the verbal subevent. For RESULT, all orderings are acceptable (reversed directionality). For INSTANCE/CO-OCCURRENCE, simultaneity is expected but not enforced.

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                                                                          Closed-scale → bounded RP bridge (§8 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, #

                                                                          Principle 27)

                                                                          @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §8: productive property RPs "tend to be nongradable" and "encode a clearly delimited state." The formal correlate (@cite{kennedy-2007}): productive RPs have a maximum endpoint on their scale. dry (upper-bounded, has max) is productive; wet (lower-bounded, no max) is not. flat, clean, shut, dead, open, full, empty are all closed-scale (has max).

                                                                          The aspectual chain: hasMax → bounded RP → telic resultative.

                                                                          Map @cite{kennedy-2007}'s scale boundedness to @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s RP boundedness. Scales with a maximum endpoint yield bounded RPs (the RP denotes a delimited endstate). Scales without a maximum yield unbounded RPs.

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                                                                            The full aspectual chain: a closed-scale adjective as RP yields a telic resultative. hasMax → bounded → telic → accomplishment.

                                                                            The dry/wet contrast: dry is productive (bounded → telic), wet is not (unbounded → atelic). Derives from scale structure alone.

                                                                            Semantic contribution (meaning components) #

                                                                            Each subconstruction's semantic contribution is derived from the causativity dimension: causative subconstructions contribute CoS + causation (matching the parent resultative in ArgumentStructure.lean); noncausative ones contribute only CoS (BECOME without CAUSE). This is consistent with the constructionalDesc: hasCause ↔ causation, hasBecome ↔ changeOfState.

                                                                            Derive the meaning components contributed by a subconstruction. Causative: CoS + causation (same as parent resultative). Noncausative: CoS only (BECOME without CAUSE).

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                                                                              All subconstructions contribute change-of-state (all have BECOME).

                                                                              Causative subconstructions contribute causation.

                                                                              Noncausative subconstructions do not contribute causation.

                                                                              Bundled: causative subconstruction contributes CoS + causation + ¬instrumentSpec. Satisfies the hypotheses of fuse_cos_caus_enables.

                                                                              Bundled: noncausative subconstruction contributes CoS + ¬causation + ¬instrumentSpec. Satisfies the hypotheses of fuse_cos_only_partial.

                                                                              Causative subconstructions match the parent resultative's semantic contribution.

                                                                              Derived construction network #

                                                                              The four subconstructions are derived from ResultativeSubconstruction rather than hard-coded. Each subconstruction inherits from the existing resultative parent in ArgumentStructure.lean.

                                                                              The slot structure follows from two dimensions:

                                                                              Derive the ArgStructureConstruction from a subconstruction.

                                                                              Slots are determined by the two dimensions:

                                                                              • Causative: [NOUN subj, VERB head, NOUN obj, RP-UPOS rp]
                                                                              • Noncausative: [NOUN subj, VERB head, RP-UPOS rp]
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                                                                                The full resultative family, derived from all four subconstructions.

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                                                                                  All four inheritance links, derived.

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                                                                                    All inheritance links point to the same parent.

                                                                                    All four subconstructions are fully abstract (decomposable).

                                                                                    Causative subconstructions are transitive (4 slots); noncausative are intransitive (3 slots).

                                                                                    Noncausative subconstructions have one fewer decomposition step.

                                                                                    Verb–construction fusion (integration with ArgumentStructure.lean) #

                                                                                    A manner verb (no CoS, no causation, no instrumentSpec) in a causative subconstruction acquires causative alternation: the subconstruction's semantic contribution adds CoS + causation via fuse.

                                                                                    A manner verb in a noncausative subconstruction does NOT acquire the causative alternation: noncausative subconstructions lack causation.

                                                                                    The composed meaning in a causative subconstruction matches the composed meaning in the parent resultative construction.

                                                                                    All subconstructions contribute CoS via toConstruction, so the composed meaning always has changeOfState = true regardless of the verb.

                                                                                    The resultative alternation itself is predicted for any non-instrument verb in any subconstruction (since all contribute CoS).

                                                                                    Universal aspect predictions #

                                                                                    Resultative telicizes an activity verb: adding bounded RP to an activity yields an accomplishment (§4 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, Principle 27).

                                                                                    The resultative's derived aspect matches telicization of the bare verb when the bare verb is an activity and the RP is bounded.

                                                                                    General chain theorems #

                                                                                    The full derivation pipeline connecting adjective scale structure, RP boundedness, aspect, and alternation participation. These are universally quantified — they hold for ANY verb class and ANY subconstruction satisfying the hypotheses, not just the attested entries.

                                                                                    Aspect chain: any adjective with a scale maximum, used as an RP in a resultative, produces a telic accomplishment.