ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives — Theory of the resultative construction family #
@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}
Theory-side primitives for the four-way resultative construction family (causative/noncausative × property/path RP), the dual subevent structure, typed verbal/constructional subevent relations, and the compositional fusion machinery linking verb meaning to constructional contribution.
Paper data and per-datum verifications for @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}
itself live in Phenomena/Constructions/Resultatives/Studies/GoldbergJackendoff2004.lean,
which imports this file.
Core types #
SubeventKind,SubeventRelation,RPType,Boundedness,ObjectSelection,TemporalOrderResultativeSubconstruction— the 2×2 familySubeventDesc,DualSubevent— event-structural featuresResultativeEntry— schema for any resultative datumArgSource— argument-fusion bookkeeping
Key derivations (no per-paper data) #
ResultativeSubconstruction.constructionalDesc— derived hasCause/hasBecomeresultativeAspect,resultativeVendlerClass— bounded RP → telicadjScaleToRPBoundedness— Kennedy 2007 scale → G&J boundednessResultativeSubconstruction.toConstruction— derived family ofArgStructureConstructioninstances +inheritanceLinkfarSatisfied,rolesCoherent,temporalConstraintSatisfied— the three substantive constraints (Principles 37, 44, §4.2)
The fusion theorems (alternation_chain, noncausative_partial_chain,
instrumentSpec_blocks_across_subconstructions, etc.) are universally
quantified over arbitrary MeaningComponents and ResultativeSubconstruction.
Core types #
The kind of subevent in a resultative.
- verbal : SubeventKind
From the verb's lexical meaning (e.g., hammering, kicking)
- constructional : SubeventKind
From the construction (CAUSE + BECOME/GO)
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqSubeventKind x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
How the verbal and constructional subevents are related (§3 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}).
- means: The verbal subevent is the means by which the constructional subevent is brought about. This is the default relation for all four core subconstructions (97a–d). E.g., "hammer metal flat" — hammering is the means of causing flatness. Also holds for noncausative cases: "the river froze solid" — freezing is the means of becoming solid; "the ball rolled into the field" — rolling is the means of motion along the path.
- result: The verbal subevent is a result of the constructional subevent (reversed directionality from means). Reserved for sound-emission resultatives (ex. 20: "The trolley rumbled through the tunnel" — rumbling results from motion) and disappearance resultatives (ex. 21: "The witch vanished into the forest" — vanishing results from motion).
- instance_: The verbal subevent is an instance of the constructional subevent. For the follow-type cases (§7.1, ex. 55: "Bill followed the thief into the library" — following IS going-after) and ride/drive-type cases (ex. 56: "Bill rode a train to New York" — riding IS going-by-way-of).
- coOccurrence: The two subevents merely co-occur without causal connection. The way construction ("She sang her way down the road") uses this relation. Some speakers accept CO-OCCURRENCE for sound-emission resultatives as well.
- means : SubeventRelation
- result : SubeventRelation
- instance_ : SubeventRelation
- coOccurrence : SubeventRelation
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqSubeventRelation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqRPType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The four subconstructions in the resultative family (@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §2, Table 1).
| Property RP | Path RP | |
|---|---|---|
| Causative | causativeProperty | causativePath |
| Noncausative | noncausativeProperty | noncausativePath |
- causativeProperty : ResultativeSubconstruction
- causativePath : ResultativeSubconstruction
- noncausativeProperty : ResultativeSubconstruction
- noncausativePath : ResultativeSubconstruction
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqResultativeSubconstruction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Whether a subconstruction is causative.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.isCausative = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.isCausative = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.isCausative = false
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.isCausative = false
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Whether a subconstruction has a property (vs path) RP.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.isPropertyRP = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.isPropertyRP = false
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.isPropertyRP = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.isPropertyRP = false
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Get the RP type of a subconstruction.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.rpType = ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.RPType.property
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.rpType = ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.RPType.path
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.rpType = ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.RPType.property
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.rpType = ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.RPType.path
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Dual subevent structure (§3 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}) #
Description of a subevent via event-structural features.
The two booleans encode the presence of CAUSE and BECOME/GO operators
in the subevent's event template (cf. Template in EventStructure.lean).
Verbal subevents are typically ⟨false, false⟩ (bare manner/activity);
constructional subevents are ⟨true, true⟩ (causative) or ⟨false, true⟩
(noncausative change-of-state/motion).
- hasCause : Bool
Whether CAUSE is part of this subevent
- hasBecome : Bool
Whether BECOME/GO is part of this subevent
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqSubeventDesc.beq { hasCause := a, hasBecome := a_1 } { hasCause := b, hasBecome := b_1 } = (a == b && a_1 == b_1)
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqSubeventDesc.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The dual subevent structure of a resultative (@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §3, Principle 25).
- verbal : SubeventDesc
The verbal subevent (from the verb's lexical semantics)
- constructional : SubeventDesc
The constructional subevent (from the construction)
- relation : SubeventRelation
How the subevents are related
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqDualSubevent.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Derived constructional subevent #
The constructional subevent's event-structural features are fully determined by the subconstruction type: causative subconstructions have CAUSE + BECOME; noncausative subconstructions have BECOME only. Verbal subevents are always bare (no CAUSE, no BECOME) — the manner comes from the verb's lexical semantics, not from event-structural operators.
Derive the constructional subevent description from the subconstruction. This replaces per-entry stipulation: causative ↔ hasCause, all have hasBecome.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.constructionalDesc = { hasCause := true, hasBecome := true }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.constructionalDesc = { hasCause := true, hasBecome := true }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.constructionalDesc = { hasBecome := true }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.constructionalDesc = { hasBecome := true }
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The verbal subevent is always a bare manner/activity (no CAUSE, no BECOME).
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Causative subconstructions have CAUSE in their constructional subevent.
Noncausative subconstructions lack CAUSE.
All subconstructions have BECOME in the constructional subevent.
Bridge to event structure templates #
@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s constructional subevent maps to Rappaport Hovav & Levin's event structure templates: causative → accomplishment template, noncausative → achievement template. The hasCause/hasBecome features of SubeventDesc are exactly Template.HasCause/Template.HasResultState.
Map subconstruction to the constructional subevent's event template.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.constructionalTemplate = Features.EventStructure.Template.accomplishment
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.constructionalTemplate = Features.EventStructure.Template.accomplishment
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.constructionalTemplate = Features.EventStructure.Template.achievement
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.constructionalTemplate = Features.EventStructure.Template.achievement
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The derived hasCause agrees with Template.HasCause.
The derived hasBecome agrees with Template.HasResultState.
Boundedness and aspect #
Whether an RP denotes a bounded endpoint.
Property RPs are typically bounded (reaching an endstate), but comparative/gradual APs ("hotter and hotter", "ever flatter") create unbounded property RPs (§4.1). Path RPs are bounded iff the goal is specific ("into the field" = bounded; "along the road" = unbounded).
- bounded : Boundedness
- unbounded : Boundedness
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqBoundedness x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Object selection (§2 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, ex. 7–9) #
Within transitive resultatives, the object may be independently selected by the verb (selected) or licensed only by the construction (unselected). A special case of unselected: fake reflexives, where the object is a reflexive pronoun that cannot alternate with other NPs.
How the postverbal NP is selected (§2).
- selected : ObjectSelection
Verb independently selects the object: "She watered the plants flat"
- unselected : ObjectSelection
Construction licenses the object (verb doesn't take it independently): "They drank the pub dry" (cf. *They drank the pub)
- fakeReflexive : ObjectSelection
Special unselected: reflexive object that cannot alternate with other NPs: "She laughed herself silly" (cf. *She laughed him silly)
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqObjectSelection x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqObjectSelection.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Intransitive resultatives have no object selection.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.defaultObjectSelection = some ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ObjectSelection.selected
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.defaultObjectSelection = some ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ObjectSelection.selected
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.defaultObjectSelection = none
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.defaultObjectSelection = none
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Resultative entry #
A resultative entry: verb + subconstruction + aspect.
The dual subevent structure is derived from the subconstruction:
- verbal desc: always
verbalSubeventDesc(bare manner/activity) - constructional desc:
subconstruction.constructionalDescThe subevent relation defaults to MEANS for all four core subconstructions; RESULT is used only for sound-emission and disappearance subtypes.
The Levin class enables compositional fusion: verbMC.fuse cxn.semanticContribution
derives predictions about alternation participation.
- verb : String
The verb form
- subconstruction : ResultativeSubconstruction
Which subconstruction
- subeventRelation : SubeventRelation
How the subevents are related (default: MEANS for core subconstructions)
- rpBoundedness : Boundedness
Boundedness of the result phrase
- bareVerbClass : Features.VendlerClass
Vendler class of the bare verb (without resultative)
- objectSelection : Option ObjectSelection
How the postverbal NP is selected (transitive only)
- levinClass : Semantics.Lexical.LevinClass
Levin class of the verb, for MeaningComponents derivation
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqResultativeEntry.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Derive the full dual subevent structure from the entry.
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- e.dualSubevent = { verbal := ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.verbalSubeventDesc, constructional := e.subconstruction.constructionalDesc, relation := e.subeventRelation }
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The verb's inherent meaning components, from its Levin class.
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Aspectual profile (§4 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, Principle 27) #
The resultative's aspect is derived compositionally:
- Always dynamic (involves change)
- Always durative (extends over time)
- Telic iff the RP denotes a bounded path/property
Derive the aspectual profile of a resultative from RP boundedness.
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Derive the Vendler class of a resultative.
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Semantic roles and argument licensing #
Uses the canonical ThetaRole from the linking interface rather than
a paper-specific enum. @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s four
resultative-relevant roles map to: agent, patient, theme, goal
(= "resultGoal" in their terminology).
An argument with its source (verb or construction).
- role : ThetaRole
The semantic role
- fromVerb : Bool
Whether this argument comes from the verb
- fromConstruction : Bool
Whether this argument comes from the construction
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instBEqArgSource.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Whether an argument is fused (shared between verb and construction).
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- a.isFused = (a.fromVerb && a.fromConstruction)
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Full Argument Realization (FAR) — Principle 37, §6.1 #
All obligatory arguments of both the verb and the construction must be syntactically realized. Arguments shared between verb and construction fuse into a single syntactic position.
Check FAR: every role's source is accounted for.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.farSatisfied args = args.all fun (a : ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ArgSource) => a.fromVerb || a.fromConstruction
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Semantic Coherence Principle — Principle 44, §6.2 #
A verb role rV and a construction role rC may fuse only if rV is construable as an instance of rC.
Which role pairs are coherent for fusion (Principle 44).
Agent can fuse with agent; patient with patient or theme; theme with patient or theme; goal with goal. All other combinations (experiencer, instrument, stimulus, source) are incoherent in the resultative construction.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.agent ThetaRole.agent = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.patient ThetaRole.patient = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.patient ThetaRole.theme = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.theme ThetaRole.patient = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.theme ThetaRole.theme = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent ThetaRole.goal ThetaRole.goal = true
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.rolesCoherent rV rC = false
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Check semantic coherence: all fused arguments have coherent roles.
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Temporal constraint (§4.2) #
Temporal ordering between subevents is constrained by the subevent relation:
- MEANS: The verbal subevent must temporally overlap with or precede the constructional subevent. Constructional-first is ruled out because you cannot achieve a result before performing the means to it.
- RESULT: The constructional subevent CAN precede the verbal subevent. E.g., "The door banged open" — the opening (constructional) precedes the banging (verbal result of the motion).
- INSTANCE/CO-OCCURRENCE: Simultaneity expected (the verbal IS the constructional, or they merely co-occur).
Temporal ordering between subevents.
- verbalFirst : TemporalOrder
- simultaneous : TemporalOrder
- constructionalFirst : TemporalOrder
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.instDecidableEqTemporalOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Check the temporal constraint given the subevent relation.
For MEANS, the constructional subevent cannot precede the verbal subevent. For RESULT, all orderings are acceptable (reversed directionality). For INSTANCE/CO-OCCURRENCE, simultaneity is expected but not enforced.
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Closed-scale → bounded RP bridge (§8 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, #
Principle 27)
@cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004} §8: productive property RPs "tend to be
nongradable" and "encode a clearly delimited state." The formal correlate
(@cite{kennedy-2007}): productive RPs have a maximum endpoint on
their scale. dry (upper-bounded, has max) is productive; wet
(lower-bounded, no max) is not. flat, clean, shut, dead, open,
full, empty are all closed-scale (has max).
The aspectual chain: hasMax → bounded RP → telic resultative.
Map @cite{kennedy-2007}'s scale boundedness to @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}'s RP boundedness. Scales with a maximum endpoint yield bounded RPs (the RP denotes a delimited endstate). Scales without a maximum yield unbounded RPs.
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Closed scales yield bounded RPs.
Upper-bounded scales yield bounded RPs (e.g., "dry").
Open scales yield unbounded RPs (e.g., "tall").
Lower-bounded scales yield unbounded RPs (e.g., "wet").
The full aspectual chain: a closed-scale adjective as RP yields a telic
resultative. hasMax → bounded → telic → accomplishment.
The dry/wet contrast: dry is productive (bounded → telic), wet is not (unbounded → atelic). Derives from scale structure alone.
Semantic contribution (meaning components) #
Each subconstruction's semantic contribution is derived from the causativity
dimension: causative subconstructions contribute CoS + causation (matching
the parent resultative in ArgumentStructure.lean); noncausative ones
contribute only CoS (BECOME without CAUSE). This is consistent with the
constructionalDesc: hasCause ↔ causation, hasBecome ↔ changeOfState.
Derive the meaning components contributed by a subconstruction.
Causative: CoS + causation (same as parent resultative).
Noncausative: CoS only (BECOME without CAUSE).
Equations
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.semanticContribution = { changeOfState := true, contact := false, motion := false, causation := true }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.semanticContribution = { changeOfState := true, contact := false, motion := false, causation := true }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.semanticContribution = { changeOfState := true, contact := false, motion := false, causation := false }
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.semanticContribution = { changeOfState := true, contact := false, motion := false, causation := false }
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All subconstructions contribute change-of-state (all have BECOME).
Causative subconstructions contribute causation.
Noncausative subconstructions do not contribute causation.
The semantic contribution is consistent with the constructional subevent:
hasCause ↔ causation and hasBecome ↔ changeOfState.
No subconstruction contributes instrument specificity.
Bundled: causative subconstruction contributes CoS + causation + ¬instrumentSpec.
Satisfies the hypotheses of fuse_cos_caus_enables.
Bundled: noncausative subconstruction contributes CoS + ¬causation + ¬instrumentSpec.
Satisfies the hypotheses of fuse_cos_only_partial.
Causative subconstructions match the parent resultative's semantic contribution.
Derived construction network #
The four subconstructions are derived from ResultativeSubconstruction
rather than hard-coded. Each subconstruction inherits from the existing
resultative parent in ArgumentStructure.lean.
The slot structure follows from two dimensions:
- Causative adds an agent subject + patient/theme object (4 slots)
- Noncausative has only a theme subject (3 slots)
- Property RP uses ADJ; Path RP uses ADP
The UPOS category of the result phrase slot.
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The role label for the result phrase slot.
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The name suffix for a subconstruction.
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- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativeProperty.nameSuffix = "CausativeProperty"
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.causativePath.nameSuffix = "CausativePath"
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativeProperty.nameSuffix = "NoncausativeProperty"
- ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives.ResultativeSubconstruction.noncausativePath.nameSuffix = "NoncausativePath"
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Derive the ArgStructureConstruction from a subconstruction.
Slots are determined by the two dimensions:
- Causative: [NOUN subj, VERB head, NOUN obj, RP-UPOS rp]
- Noncausative: [NOUN subj, VERB head, RP-UPOS rp]
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The composed meaning: verb MC fused with the subconstruction's contribution.
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Convenience aliases for downstream compatibility.
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The full resultative family, derived from all four subconstructions.
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Derive an inheritance link from a subconstruction to the parent.
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All four inheritance links, derived.
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All inheritance links point to the same parent.
All four subconstructions are fully abstract (decomposable).
Causative subconstructions are transitive (4 slots); noncausative are intransitive (3 slots).
Causative subconstructions decompose like the parent resultative.
Noncausative subconstructions have one fewer decomposition step.
Verb–construction fusion (integration with ArgumentStructure.lean) #
A manner verb (no CoS, no causation, no instrumentSpec) in a causative
subconstruction acquires causative alternation: the subconstruction's
semantic contribution adds CoS + causation via fuse.
A manner verb in a noncausative subconstruction does NOT acquire the causative alternation: noncausative subconstructions lack causation.
Concrete: hit-class verb in causativeProperty → causative alternation.
Concrete: hit-class verb in noncausativeProperty → no alternation.
The composed meaning in a causative subconstruction matches the
composed meaning in the parent resultative construction.
All subconstructions contribute CoS via toConstruction, so the composed
meaning always has changeOfState = true regardless of the verb.
The resultative alternation itself is predicted for any non-instrument verb in any subconstruction (since all contribute CoS).
Universal aspect predictions #
Bounded RP yields telic resultative (= accomplishment).
Unbounded RP yields atelic resultative (= activity).
Resultative telicizes an activity verb: adding bounded RP to an activity yields an accomplishment (§4 of @cite{goldberg-jackendoff-2004}, Principle 27).
The resultative's derived aspect matches telicization of the bare verb when the bare verb is an activity and the RP is bounded.
General chain theorems #
The full derivation pipeline connecting adjective scale structure, RP boundedness, aspect, and alternation participation. These are universally quantified — they hold for ANY verb class and ANY subconstruction satisfying the hypotheses, not just the attested entries.
Aspect chain: any adjective with a scale maximum, used as an RP in a resultative, produces a telic accomplishment.
Alternation chain: corollary of fuse_cos_caus_enables for
causative resultative subconstructions.
Noncausative contrast: corollary of fuse_cos_only_partial.
instrumentSpec blocking: corollary of instrumentSpec_blocks_after_fuse.