Wechsler & Zlatić 2000: Agreement via the Declension–Concord–Index–Semantics chain #
[WZ00] [Cor91] [Cor98] [PS94] [DK00]
A noun carries two feature bundles — CONCORD (case, number, gender), read by NP-internal targets, and the referential INDEX (person, number, gender), read by pronouns and finite verbs — correlated with declension class and semantics by a chain of binary constraints (their ex. 4):
declension ⇔ concord ⇔ index ⇔ semantics
Regular nouns satisfy every link; hybrid nouns break one (or, braća, two). The theory predicts exactly the three contiguous break patterns of the seven a-priori possibilities, all attested (their §9, n. 3).
Main declarations #
Noun,DecCon/ConInd/IndSem— the lexical entry and the three chain constraints (their exs. 15, 17, 18+22)brokenLinks,seven_logical_patterns/three_contiguous_predicted— the mismatch pattern of a noun, and the 7-logical/3-contiguous countconcordAgrees/indexAgrees— target checking through theHasX.Compatiblemixins, with the deca paradigm (exs. 41–42)no_single_phi_bundle_for_deca— the §3.3 single-bundle "illusion" as a refutation againstWord.AgreeindexReaders_lowerSet— the Agreement Hierarchy skeleton overAgreement.AgreementTarget, robust to the open predicate position
Coordinate resolution (their fn. 18) is handled in
Studies/DalrympleKaplan2000.lean, to which the paper defers; the HPSG
spell-out function φ (Appendix) is out of scope.
TODO #
- Concord-ending syncretism (Table 2) and the participle indeterminacy it causes (§7.3, left open in the paper).
- The sudija/mušterija disjunctive sex specification (exs. 20, 31–32), here flattened to resolved variants.
- Pragmatic agreement: masculine-plural pronouns for mixed groups (§3.1).
Feature bundles (§3.3) #
CONCORD comprises case, number, and gender; INDEX comprises person, number, and gender. Case is contextual (valued in syntax), so the lexical CONCORD carries number and gender; a realized NP-internal target adds the case value.
Serbo-Croatian declension classes (their Table 1). The singular citation-form classes are I/II/III; pluralia tantum sit outside this classification (their Table 3 lists their declension as a distinct value "pl", §6), so they get their own constructor rather than being forced into a numbered class.
- I : Declension
- II : Declension
- III : Declension
- pluralia : Declension
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqDeclension x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Lexical CONCORD features: number and gender (case is contextual).
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instReprConcordF = { reprPrec := WechslerZlatic2000.instReprConcordF.repr }
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instReprIndexF = { reprPrec := WechslerZlatic2000.instReprIndexF.repr }
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Semantic sex restriction on the noun's referent (their exs. 18–20). sudija 'judge'-type nouns are treated via their resolved variants, following the paper's exs. 31–32.
- female : SexRestriction
- male : SexRestriction
- unrestricted : SexRestriction
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqSexRestriction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqCount x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instReprCount = { reprPrec := WechslerZlatic2000.instReprCount.repr }
A noun's agreement-relevant lexical entry: the four chain positions.
- lemma_ : String
- decl : Declension
- concord : ConcordF
- index : IndexF
- sex : SexRestriction
- count : Option Count
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instReprNoun = { reprPrec := WechslerZlatic2000.instReprNoun.repr }
The three chain constraints (their exs. 15, 17, 18, 22) #
DecCon (ex. 15): class I nouns have masculine or neuter concord gender; class II/III nouns have feminine concord gender. Pluralia tantum lie outside the singular declension classification (their §6), so the constraint is vacuous for them — their break, when any, is at a later link.
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IndSem, gender half (ex. 18): a female-restricted noun has feminine index, a male-restricted noun masculine index; vacuous otherwise.
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IndSem, number half (ex. 22): aggregate reference gives plural index; nonaggregate and noncount give singular.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.IndSemNum n = match n.count with | some WechslerZlatic2000.Count.aggregate => n.index.number = Number.plural | x => n.index.number = Number.singular
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The index–semantics link: both halves.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableConInd n = id inferInstance
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableIndSemGen n = id inferInstance
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Mismatch patterns #
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqChainLink x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Does a given link hold for a noun?
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A noun's mismatch pattern: the set of broken links (their ex. 5, the double bars).
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A noun is regular iff every link holds.
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The Serbo-Croatian lexicon (their Table 3, exs. 14, 16, 20, 29, #
35, 39, 45)
Number values at the entry are those of the singular citation form for ordinary count nouns; collectives and pluralia tantum carry their lexically fixed values.
knjiga 'book': perfectly regular class II feminine (ex. 14).
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žena 'woman': regular, female-denoting (their §1).
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muž 'husband': regular class I masculine (their §4.3).
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Steva: masculine name declining in class II — the declension ∥ concord break (their exs. 28–29). sudija 'judge' applied to males patterns identically (ex. 19a).
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deca 'children': class II collective, feminine singular CONCORD, neuter plural INDEX — the concord ∥ index break (their ex. 45–46).
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gospoda 'gentlemen': like deca but male-restricted with masculine plural index (their ex. 40, §7.1).
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makaze 'scissors' on its nonaggregate reading ('one pair'):
plural declension/concord/index against singular reference — the
index ∥ semantics break (their exs. 34–35, with naočare
'glasses'). Declension is pluralia (Table 3 value "pl", not a
numbered class); the feminine concord gender is supplied (Table 3
leaves makaze's gender unspecified) and is inessential to the
break.
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devojče 'girl': female-denoting diminutive with neuter index — an index ∥ semantics (gender) break (their exs. 11, Table 3).
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braća 'brothers': male-only with feminine singular concord and neuter plural index — the unique double break, concord ∥ index and index ∥ semantics (their ex. 39).
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The mismatch typology, derived (their §5–§7) #
Steva breaks exactly declension ∥ concord (their ex. 29).
deca breaks exactly concord ∥ index (their ex. 46).
gospoda breaks exactly concord ∥ index (their §7.1).
makaze (nonaggregate) breaks exactly index ∥ semantics (their ex. 35).
devojče breaks exactly index ∥ semantics (gender half).
braća breaks both concord ∥ index and index ∥ semantics — the predicted-rare double break (their ex. 39).
Seven logical patterns, three predicted (their §9, n. 3) #
A two-type mismatch pattern is a bipartition of the four chain
positions; identify it with its cell containing declension
(position 0). There are 2³ − 1 = 7 such bipartitions. The theory
admits only breaks at chain links, so the cell must be an initial
segment of the chain — and there are exactly 3 of those, realized by
Steva, deca, and makaze respectively.
Bipartitions of the four chain positions, as proper subsets containing position 0.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.bipartitions = {S : Finset (Fin 4) | 0 ∈ S ∧ S ≠ Finset.univ}
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The cell of position 0 under a single break at link l: an initial
segment of the chain.
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Seven logically possible two-type mismatch patterns a priori (their §9, n. 3).
Of the seven, the theory predicts the three contiguous ones — the initial-segment cells realized by Steva, deca, makaze (their §9: "our theory predicts three to be possible").
The attested single-break patterns are exactly the three contiguous cells — Steva, deca/gospoda, makaze/devojče (their Table 3: "Only contiguous cells in a row are connected by constraints, so we predict exactly the pattern observed").
Target checking through the carrier mixins (§3.3) #
NP-internal targets (determiners, attributive adjectives) check
CONCORD: case, number, gender. Pronouns and finite verbs check INDEX:
person, number, gender. Both run through the shared HasX.Compatible
relations. A target may be underspecified for a feature (none), where
the flat-order wildcard semantics of Compatible does real work — see
kojih, the concord-underspecified plural relative pronoun (§7.4).
A realized NP-internal target's inflectional features: the noun's
lexical concord plus contextual case (their ex. 12). A feature is
none when the target is unmarked for it (e.g. kojih, §7.4).
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The noun's realized concord bundle at a contextual case value (the noun's own concord is always fully specified).
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instHasPersonIndexTarget = { personOf := fun (t : WechslerZlatic2000.IndexTarget) => some t.person }
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instHasNumberIndexTarget = { numberOf := fun (t : WechslerZlatic2000.IndexTarget) => some t.number }
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- WechslerZlatic2000.instHasGenderIndexTarget = { genderOf := fun (t : WechslerZlatic2000.IndexTarget) => some t.gender }
The noun's index bundle as a checking target.
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Concord agreement: the target's case, number, and gender are each compatible with the noun's realized concord.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.concordAgrees a n c = (HasCase.Compatible a (n.concordAt c) ∧ HasNumber.Compatible a (n.concordAt c) ∧ HasGender.Compatible a (n.concordAt c))
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Index agreement: the target's person, number, and gender are each compatible with the noun's index.
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The deca paradigm (their exs. 41–43) #
Posmatrali smo ovu dobru decu. Ona su spavala. — feminine singular on the accusative determiner and adjective (CONCORD), neuter plural on the coreferential pronoun (INDEX); the crossed combinations fail.
ovu/dobru: accusative feminine singular modifier (ex. 41).
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- WechslerZlatic2000.ovu = { case := some Case.acc, number := some Number.singular, gender := some Gender.feminine }
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ona: neuter plural pronoun (ex. 41).
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- WechslerZlatic2000.ona = { person := Person.third, number := Number.plural, gender := Gender.neuter }
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ova stara (nominative feminine singular, ex. 6) agrees with regular knjiga in concord — and je (3sg feminine) in index.
Mixed agreement with deca (exs. 41–42): the f.sg modifier checks CONCORD and the nt.pl pronoun checks INDEX — simultaneously.
The crossed combinations fail: a neuter plural modifier does not stand in concord agreement with deca, and a feminine singular pronoun does not stand in index agreement with it (cf. je in their ex. 62).
kojih: the genitive plural relative pronoun, unmarked for CONCORD
gender and number (§7.4). Its wildcard concord features make it
compatible with deca (and with a feminine-singular noun) — the
case where Compatible's flat-order semantics is not mere equality.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.kojih = { case := some Case.gen, number := none, gender := none }
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kojih agrees in concord with deca despite deca's f.sg concord
and kojih's plural index — its underspecified concord is a
wildcard. A fully-specified neuter-plural modifier does not
(deca_crossed_combinations_fail).
For chain-intact nouns the split is invisible: a target's concord agreement coincides with index agreement on the shared number/gender features (the "illusion … that a single feature bundle on the noun is responsible for all the agreeing items", their §3.3).
The single-φ-bundle view (Word.phi/Word.Agree) cannot host
deca: its CONCORD-bearing attributive (f.sg) and its INDEX-bearing
pronoun (nt.pl) do not Word.Agree, so they cannot both copy one
fully-valued source bundle. This is §3.3's "illusion", as a
refutation against the library's one-bundle primitive — note a
featureless word would tolerate both (wildcards), so the claim is
about the two specified surface forms, not about compatibility.
The Agreement Hierarchy, derived (their §8) #
Corbett's hierarchy lives as Agreement.AgreementTarget; W&Z's
contribution is readsIndex, the bundle-access derivation of it.
Attributives lack referential indices (read only CONCORD); pronouns and
verbs read INDEX, which alone connects to the semantics. The predicate
position is open in the paper (§7.3): secondary predication points to
concord (ex. 50), coordination to index (exs. 51–53).
Whether a target reads the INDEX bundle — the precondition for
semantic agreement (their §8). predReadsIndex is the open predicate
position (§7.3, "left for future research"); the hierarchy's
monotonicity (indexReaders_lowerSet) holds for either value.
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- WechslerZlatic2000.readsIndex predReadsIndex Agreement.AgreementTarget.attributive = False
- WechslerZlatic2000.readsIndex predReadsIndex Agreement.AgreementTarget.predicate = (predReadsIndex = true)
- WechslerZlatic2000.readsIndex predReadsIndex Agreement.AgreementTarget.relativePronoun = True
- WechslerZlatic2000.readsIndex predReadsIndex Agreement.AgreementTarget.personalPronoun = True
- WechslerZlatic2000.readsIndex predReadsIndex Agreement.AgreementTarget.verb = True
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The hierarchy skeleton: the index readers form a lower set in the
AgreementTarget rank (higher rank = more syntactic), so semantic
agreement can surface only at more-semantic targets — and this holds
whichever way the open predicate position resolves. This is the
categorical claim W&Z derive (their §8, "concord elements should
never show semantic agreement unless the pronouns do"); it explains
but does not reproduce Corbett's gradient, corpus-level likelihood
law ([Cor98]; their fn. 21).