Documentation

Linglib.Studies.WechslerZlatic2000

Wechsler & Zlatić 2000: Agreement via the Declension–Concord–Index–Semantics chain #

[WZ00] [Cor91] [Cor98] [PS94] [DK00]

A noun carries two feature bundles — CONCORD (case, number, gender), read by NP-internal targets, and the referential INDEX (person, number, gender), read by pronouns and finite verbs — correlated with declension class and semantics by a chain of binary constraints (their ex. 4):

declension ⇔ concordindex ⇔ semantics

Regular nouns satisfy every link; hybrid nouns break one (or, braća, two). The theory predicts exactly the three contiguous break patterns of the seven a-priori possibilities, all attested (their §9, n. 3).

Main declarations #

Coordinate resolution (their fn. 18) is handled in Studies/DalrympleKaplan2000.lean, to which the paper defers; the HPSG spell-out function φ (Appendix) is out of scope.

TODO #

Feature bundles (§3.3) #

CONCORD comprises case, number, and gender; INDEX comprises person, number, and gender. Case is contextual (valued in syntax), so the lexical CONCORD carries number and gender; a realized NP-internal target adds the case value.

Serbo-Croatian declension classes (their Table 1). The singular citation-form classes are I/II/III; pluralia tantum sit outside this classification (their Table 3 lists their declension as a distinct value "pl", §6), so they get their own constructor rather than being forced into a numbered class.

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      Lexical CONCORD features: number and gender (case is contextual).

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        def WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqConcordF.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ConcordF) :
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            INDEX features: person, number, gender (their ex. 8).

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              def WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqIndexF.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : IndexF) :
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                  Semantic sex restriction on the noun's referent (their exs. 18–20). sudija 'judge'-type nouns are treated via their resolved variants, following the paper's exs. 31–32.

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                      The COUNT feature (their ex. 22): count nouns carry one or aggregate; noncount nouns lack COUNT (none at the entry).

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                        def WechslerZlatic2000.instReprCount.repr :
                        CountStd.Format
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                          A noun's agreement-relevant lexical entry: the four chain positions.

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                            def WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqNoun.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Noun) :
                            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                              def WechslerZlatic2000.instReprNoun.repr :
                              NounStd.Format
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                                The three chain constraints (their exs. 15, 17, 18, 22) #

                                DecCon (ex. 15): class I nouns have masculine or neuter concord gender; class II/III nouns have feminine concord gender. Pluralia tantum lie outside the singular declension classification (their §6), so the constraint is vacuous for them — their break, when any, is at a later link.

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                                  ConInd (ex. 17): the noun's CONCORD and INDEX share number and gender (structure sharing in the original).

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                                    IndSem, gender half (ex. 18): a female-restricted noun has feminine index, a male-restricted noun masculine index; vacuous otherwise.

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                                      IndSem, number half (ex. 22): aggregate reference gives plural index; nonaggregate and noncount give singular.

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                                        The index–semantics link: both halves.

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                                          instance WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableDecCon (n : Noun) :
                                          Decidable (DecCon n)
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                                          instance WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableConInd (n : Noun) :
                                          Decidable (ConInd n)
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                                          Mismatch patterns #

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                                            A noun is regular iff every link holds.

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                                              The Serbo-Croatian lexicon (their Table 3, exs. 14, 16, 20, 29, #

                                              35, 39, 45)

                                              Number values at the entry are those of the singular citation form for ordinary count nouns; collectives and pluralia tantum carry their lexically fixed values.

                                              knjiga 'book': perfectly regular class II feminine (ex. 14).

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                                                žena 'woman': regular, female-denoting (their §1).

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                                                  muž 'husband': regular class I masculine (their §4.3).

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                                                    Steva: masculine name declining in class II — the declension ∥ concord break (their exs. 28–29). sudija 'judge' applied to males patterns identically (ex. 19a).

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                                                      deca 'children': class II collective, feminine singular CONCORD, neuter plural INDEX — the concord ∥ index break (their ex. 45–46).

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                                                        gospoda 'gentlemen': like deca but male-restricted with masculine plural index (their ex. 40, §7.1).

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                                                          makaze 'scissors' on its nonaggregate reading ('one pair'): plural declension/concord/index against singular reference — the index ∥ semantics break (their exs. 34–35, with naočare 'glasses'). Declension is pluralia (Table 3 value "pl", not a numbered class); the feminine concord gender is supplied (Table 3 leaves makaze's gender unspecified) and is inessential to the break.

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                                                            devojče 'girl': female-denoting diminutive with neuter index — an index ∥ semantics (gender) break (their exs. 11, Table 3).

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                                                              braća 'brothers': male-only with feminine singular concord and neuter plural index — the unique double break, concord ∥ index and index ∥ semantics (their ex. 39).

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                                                                The mismatch typology, derived (their §5–§7) #

                                                                Regular nouns satisfy the whole chain.

                                                                Steva breaks exactly declension ∥ concord (their ex. 29).

                                                                deca breaks exactly concord ∥ index (their ex. 46).

                                                                gospoda breaks exactly concord ∥ index (their §7.1).

                                                                makaze (nonaggregate) breaks exactly index ∥ semantics (their ex. 35).

                                                                devojče breaks exactly index ∥ semantics (gender half).

                                                                braća breaks both concord ∥ index and index ∥ semantics — the predicted-rare double break (their ex. 39).

                                                                Seven logical patterns, three predicted (their §9, n. 3) #

                                                                A two-type mismatch pattern is a bipartition of the four chain positions; identify it with its cell containing declension (position 0). There are 2³ − 1 = 7 such bipartitions. The theory admits only breaks at chain links, so the cell must be an initial segment of the chain — and there are exactly 3 of those, realized by Steva, deca, and makaze respectively.

                                                                def WechslerZlatic2000.bipartitions :
                                                                Finset (Finset (Fin 4))

                                                                Bipartitions of the four chain positions, as proper subsets containing position 0.

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                                                                  The cell of position 0 under a single break at link l: an initial segment of the chain.

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                                                                    Seven logically possible two-type mismatch patterns a priori (their §9, n. 3).

                                                                    Of the seven, the theory predicts the three contiguous ones — the initial-segment cells realized by Steva, deca, makaze (their §9: "our theory predicts three to be possible").

                                                                    The attested single-break patterns are exactly the three contiguous cells — Steva, deca/gospoda, makaze/devojče (their Table 3: "Only contiguous cells in a row are connected by constraints, so we predict exactly the pattern observed").

                                                                    Target checking through the carrier mixins (§3.3) #

                                                                    NP-internal targets (determiners, attributive adjectives) check CONCORD: case, number, gender. Pronouns and finite verbs check INDEX: person, number, gender. Both run through the shared HasX.Compatible relations. A target may be underspecified for a feature (none), where the flat-order wildcard semantics of Compatible does real work — see kojih, the concord-underspecified plural relative pronoun (§7.4).

                                                                    A realized NP-internal target's inflectional features: the noun's lexical concord plus contextual case (their ex. 12). A feature is none when the target is unmarked for it (e.g. kojih, §7.4).

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                                                                      def WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqConcordTarget.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ConcordTarget) :
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                                                                          The noun's realized concord bundle at a contextual case value (the noun's own concord is always fully specified).

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                                                                            An index-checking target's features (pronoun, finite verb).

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                                                                              def WechslerZlatic2000.instDecidableEqIndexTarget.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : IndexTarget) :
                                                                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                                  The noun's index bundle as a checking target.

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                                                                                    Concord agreement: the target's case, number, and gender are each compatible with the noun's realized concord.

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                                                                                      Index agreement: the target's person, number, and gender are each compatible with the noun's index.

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                                                                                        The deca paradigm (their exs. 41–43) #

                                                                                        Posmatrali smo ovu dobru decu. Ona su spavala. — feminine singular on the accusative determiner and adjective (CONCORD), neuter plural on the coreferential pronoun (INDEX); the crossed combinations fail.

                                                                                        ovu/dobru: accusative feminine singular modifier (ex. 41).

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                                                                                          ona: neuter plural pronoun (ex. 41).

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                                                                                            ova stara (nominative feminine singular, ex. 6) agrees with regular knjiga in concord — and je (3sg feminine) in index.

                                                                                            Mixed agreement with deca (exs. 41–42): the f.sg modifier checks CONCORD and the nt.pl pronoun checks INDEX — simultaneously.

                                                                                            The crossed combinations fail: a neuter plural modifier does not stand in concord agreement with deca, and a feminine singular pronoun does not stand in index agreement with it (cf. je in their ex. 62).

                                                                                            kojih: the genitive plural relative pronoun, unmarked for CONCORD gender and number (§7.4). Its wildcard concord features make it compatible with deca (and with a feminine-singular noun) — the case where Compatible's flat-order semantics is not mere equality.

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                                                                                              kojih agrees in concord with deca despite deca's f.sg concord and kojih's plural index — its underspecified concord is a wildcard. A fully-specified neuter-plural modifier does not (deca_crossed_combinations_fail).

                                                                                              For chain-intact nouns the split is invisible: a target's concord agreement coincides with index agreement on the shared number/gender features (the "illusion … that a single feature bundle on the noun is responsible for all the agreeing items", their §3.3).

                                                                                              theorem WechslerZlatic2000.no_single_phi_bundle_for_deca :
                                                                                              ¬{ form := "dobra", cat := UD.UPOS.ADJ, features := { number := some UD.Number.Sing, gender := some UD.Gender.Fem } }.Agree { form := "ona", cat := UD.UPOS.PRON, features := { number := some UD.Number.Plur, gender := some UD.Gender.Neut } }

                                                                                              The single-φ-bundle view (Word.phi/Word.Agree) cannot host deca: its CONCORD-bearing attributive (f.sg) and its INDEX-bearing pronoun (nt.pl) do not Word.Agree, so they cannot both copy one fully-valued source bundle. This is §3.3's "illusion", as a refutation against the library's one-bundle primitive — note a featureless word would tolerate both (wildcards), so the claim is about the two specified surface forms, not about compatibility.

                                                                                              The Agreement Hierarchy, derived (their §8) #

                                                                                              Corbett's hierarchy lives as Agreement.AgreementTarget; W&Z's contribution is readsIndex, the bundle-access derivation of it. Attributives lack referential indices (read only CONCORD); pronouns and verbs read INDEX, which alone connects to the semantics. The predicate position is open in the paper (§7.3): secondary predication points to concord (ex. 50), coordination to index (exs. 51–53).

                                                                                              Whether a target reads the INDEX bundle — the precondition for semantic agreement (their §8). predReadsIndex is the open predicate position (§7.3, "left for future research"); the hierarchy's monotonicity (indexReaders_lowerSet) holds for either value.

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                                                                                                The hierarchy skeleton: the index readers form a lower set in the AgreementTarget rank (higher rank = more syntactic), so semantic agreement can surface only at more-semantic targets — and this holds whichever way the open predicate position resolves. This is the categorical claim W&Z derive (their §8, "concord elements should never show semantic agreement unless the pronouns do"); it explains but does not reproduce Corbett's gradient, corpus-level likelihood law ([Cor98]; their fn. 21).