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Linglib.Studies.TurkHirsch2026

Türk & Hirsch (2026) — Category Match constrains polar question alternatives #

[TH26] [Atl23] [FK11] [Roo92]

Connects the empirical judgments in TurkHirsch2026.Examples (modal answers are infelicitous to Turkish polar questions) to the formal explanation [TH26] propose: [FK11] category match over UPOS tags applied to the focus alternatives evoked by the polarity head Σ_F that hosts Turkish mI.

The puzzle #

Following [Atl23]'s bidimensional analysis, Turkish mI heads PolP and bears focus (Σ_F). Under [Roo92]-style type-theoretic alternative computation, any operator of the same semantic type counts as an alternative — including deontic modals. This yields {p, ¬p, □p}, wrongly predicting □p is a felicitous answer.

The fix #

Category match restricts alternatives to items sharing mI's UPOS tag PART. Polarity operators (Σ = id, NEG = pnot) are PART; "must" is AUX. Category match yields {p, ¬p} — the correct polar question.

Scenario #

Four worlds: Ali sleeps/doesn't × deontic must/free.

Four worlds crossing Ali-sleeps with deontic-must.

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    @[implicit_reducible]
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      p = "Ali sleeps": holds at the worlds where Ali sleeps.

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        ¬p = "Ali doesn't sleep". Set complement of p.

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          Deontic must, grounded in [Kra77]'s premise-set semantics.

          The deontic source maps each world to the propositions encoding the
          deontic obligations in force at that world. In the *_must worlds the
          obligation "Ali sleeps" is in force; in the *_free worlds nothing is.
          `mustP` is then the Bool reflection of `mustInView deonticBase pProp` —
          no longer a stipulated 4-row table. 
          

          Prop view of p for use with the polymorphic Kratzer machinery (which lives at type Index → Prop). Just set membership.

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            Kratzer-grounded deontic must: □p as [Kra77] Def 5 (mustInView) over the deontic premise set.

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              □p = "Ali must sleep" (deontic necessity). The Set reflection of mustGrounded; equivalence proved by mustP_iff_mustGrounded.

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                The stipulated table matches the Kratzer-grounded derivation. The over-generation argument below is therefore about a genuine modal proposition, not a hand-tuned function.

                A denotation tagged with its UD UPOS category. Study-internal utility used to model [TH26]'s claim that mI's PART tag licenses only PART-tagged alternatives.

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                  @[implicit_reducible]
                  instance TurkHirsch2026.instReprTaggedDen {α✝ : Type} [Repr α✝] :
                  Repr (TaggedDen α✝)
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                  def TurkHirsch2026.instReprTaggedDen.repr {α✝ : Type} [Repr α✝] :
                  TaggedDen α✝Std.Format
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                    The lexicon of propositional operators at type ⟨⟨s,t⟩,t⟩. Polarity heads (Σ, NEG) are tagged PART; the deontic modal is AUX. This UPOS distinction is what category match exploits.

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                      Type-theoretic alternatives ([Roo85] D_τ): all operators regardless of UPOS → {p, ¬p, □p}. Over-generates.

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                        Category-match alternatives: only PART-tagged operators → {p, ¬p}. Correct.

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                          Category-matched question = standard polar question. [FK11]'s category match yields the correct {p, ¬p} partition. catMatchAlternatives filters opLexicon to [p, notP], and the resulting set-of-alternatives equals the polar {p, notP} literal.

                          The spurious prediction: □p is an answer to the type-theoretic question. Under [Roo92]-style D_τ, "Ali must sleep" is predicted to be a felicitous answer to "Does Ali sleep?" — which is empirically wrong.

                          The correct prediction: □p is NOT an answer to the polar question. "Ali must sleep" is not a felicitous answer to a yes/no question about whether Ali sleeps.

                          Category match fixes the over-generation: □p is NOT an answer to the category-matched question.

                          Type-theoretic question ≠ polar question. The D_τ computation admits □p, which the polar question rejects.

                          Connect the empirical judgments from TurkHirsch2026.Examples to the formal model. The data says modal answers are infelicitous; the theory (category match) explains why: □p is excluded from the Hamblin alternative set.

                          The empirical datum: the deontic modal answer ("Ali uyumalı" to "Ali uyuyor mu?") is unacceptable.

                          The theory predicts it: □p is not an answer under category match.

                          The theory would wrongly predict felicity without category match.

                          Following [Roo92], the A-value of a [FoC]-marked constituent is the set of alternatives of the same semantic type — i.e., exactly the type-theoretic D_τ computation.

                          [turk-hirsch-2026]'s contribution is showing that this over-generates
                          for Turkish polar questions, and that category match ([fox-katzir-2011])
                          is the correct constraint on alternative computation when the focus host
                          is Σ_F. 
                          

                          Applying [FoC] with type-theoretic A-value yields the over-generating set.

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                            The two carriers agree definitionally: the type-theoretic [FoC] A-value as a set is the type-theoretic question.

                            The type-theoretic A-value produces the wrong question denotation.

                            Restricting the A-value by category match corrects the prediction.

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                              The two carriers agree definitionally on the category-matched side as well.

                              The category-matched A-value produces the correct question denotation.

                              The fragment exposes only theory-neutral lexical primitives. Here we add the theory-specific tagging that [TH26]'s analysis requires: a UPOS label (for [FK11] category match) and a Head label (for [Lak90]-style PolP). These commitments live in the study file, not the fragment, so the fragment stays reusable across syntactic theories.

                              Polarity-head labels assumed by this study (Laka-style ΣP/NEGP). Lean reserves Σ for sigma types, so the affirmative head's Lean-side identifier is affirm (the linguistic name "Σ" is preserved in docstrings).

                              • affirm : Head

                                Affirmative polarity head (Laka's Σ).

                              • neg : Head

                                Negation polarity head.

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                                @[implicit_reducible]
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                                @[implicit_reducible]
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                                def TurkHirsch2026.instReprHead.repr :
                                HeadStd.Format
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                                  This study's commitments about Turkish mI.

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                                    The [TH26] / [Atl23] analysis: mI is Σ and tagged PART.

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                                      mI's lexical denotation matches the operator its analyzed head spells out — a definitional consistency check between the fragment entry and the head analysis adopted here.

                                      The UPOS tag this study assigns to mI matches the category used in the alternative-restriction computation.