Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Steedman2000

Steedman 2000: The Syntactic Process #

CCG predictions from [Ste00a], one section per phenomenon:

Word order #

Slash direction encodes word order: TV = (S\NP)/NP looks right for the object NP first, then the resulting S\NP looks left for the subject, enforcing SVO.

Non-constituent coordination #

The type-raised subject "John", S/(S\NP) — a lexical leaf, since type-raising is morpholexical in the modern theory ([Ste19]; the book's syntactic >T yields the same category).

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    "John likes": the type-raised subject composed with the transitive verb — a constituent of category S/NP.

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      The lexical conjunction category coordinating constituents of category c: (X \⋆ X) /⋆ X, whose star slashes confine it to application ([Ste19]).

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        "John likes and Mary hates": coordination of two S/NP constituents via the lexical conjunction — "and" is an ordinary leaf, not a rule.

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          theorem Steedman2000.john_likes_and_mary_hates_beans_yield :
          john_likes_and_mary_hates_beans.yield = ["John", "likes", "and", "Mary", "hates", "beans"]

          The derivation spells out the full surface string, coordinator included.

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            Non-constituent coordination requires more combinatory operations than standard coordination. Reading operation count as processing difficulty is this formalization's linking hypothesis, not a claim of [Ste00a].

            Toy semantic lexicon over the toy English fragment ("likes"/"hates" reuse sees_sem as placeholder denotations).

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              "John sees Mary" with a type-raised subject: the raised subject john_tr : S/(S\NP) uses forward application, and the derivation produces the same truth value as the canonical one.

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                The predicate "John likes and Mary hates" (category S/NP) evaluated at an entity.

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                  The pointwise conjunction of "John likes" and "Mary hates" at an entity.

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                    Generalized conjunction delivers the conjunctive interpretation: ⟦John likes and Mary hates⟧(e) = ⟦John likes⟧(e) ∧ ⟦Mary hates⟧(e).

                    The spelled-out paraphrase "John likes beans and Mary hates beans".

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                      The non-constituent coordination and its spelled-out paraphrase receive the same truth conditions — the book's claim that the composed derivation yields the same predicate-argument structure as the canonical one.

                      The coordinator's role is truth-conditionally load-bearing #

                      interp reads the coordinator's role off the .coord node — it no longer hardcodes conjunction — so which coordinator a derivation uses is part of its truth conditions. Using the actual English fragment coordinators, conjoining a true sentence p and a false sentence q with and_ (role = .j) gives p ∧ q (false), while or_ (role = .disj) gives p ∨ q (true). They differ, so the marking's role field is load-bearing — flipping English.Coordination.and_.role to .disj would break the theorem below, rather than no theorem depending on it.

                      The coordinator's role flips the truth conditions: English and_ yields p ∧ q, or_ yields p ∨ q, and these differ at p = ⊤, q = ⊥. Flipping a fragment coordinator's role collapses the inequality, so the role marking is not decorative.

                      Gapping #

                      [Ros70]'s generalization — gapping direction tracks word order — which [Ste00a] derives from the Principles of Adjacency, Consistency, and Inheritance together with the order-preserving constraint on type-raising. The constituency half is derived below — the gapped conjunct is a typechecked derivation (gappedConjunct); deriving the predictedGappingPattern table itself from per-order verb categories is TODO. (Dutch licensing both directions is mixed_allows_both.)

                      The gapped conjunct "Warren, potatoes" is a constituent ([Ste00a] ch. 7): backward type-raising both remnants and backward-composing them yields S\((S/NP)/NP) — a leftward-looking function over VSO-style transitive verbs, which is why forward gapping leaves the verb to the left. Deriving it is typechecking.

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                        The mirror cluster for backward gapping (Japanese "Ken-ga Naomi-o"): forward type-raising and forward composition yield S/((S\NP)\NP), a rightward-looking function over SOV transitive verbs — the verb must follow.

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                          Stripping ("Dexter ran away, and Warren (too)") is the single-remnant case: one backward-raised subject, S\(S/NP).

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                            Basic word order of a transitive clause (S = subject, V = verb, O = object).

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                                Direction of gapping in a coordinate structure: forward gapping leaves the gap in the non-initial conjunct ("Dexter ate bread, and Warren, potatoes"); backward gapping leaves it in the non-final conjunct (Japanese "Ken-ga Naomi-o, Erika-ga Sara-o tazuneta").

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                                    The gapping directions a language allows.

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                                              The gapping directions CCG predicts for a word order: forward gapping needs a leftward-looking gapped conjunct, available through backward type-raising over rightward-seeking verbs (T\(T/NP)); backward gapping needs forward raising over leftward-seeking verbs (T/(T\NP)).

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                                                The CCG-predicted pattern coincides with Ross's generalization.

                                                English (SVO) has no leftward-looking transitive verb category, so the rightward-looking gapped conjunct a backward gap needs cannot be built: "*Warren, potatoes and Dexter ate bread" (instantiating Steedman's *SO and SVO schema; the book's attested forward counterpart is "Dexter ate bread and Warren, potatoes").

                                                Main- vs subordinate-clause word order, for languages whose two clause types diverge.

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                                                    Steedman's revision of [Ros70]: gapping availability tracks the lexical availability of verb categories, not a single "underlying" word order — forward gapping needs rightward-combining verbs, backward gapping leftward-combining verbs in either clause type.

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                                                      Dutch: SVO main clauses, SOV subordinate clauses. The mixed profile licenses both gapping directions — forward in main clauses ("Wil jij een ijsje en Marietje limonade?"), backward in subordinate clauses ("...dat Jan Syntactic Structures en Piet Aspects gelezen heeft").

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                                                        A mixed-order language like Dutch licenses both gapping directions.

                                                        Steedman's taxonomy of elliptical constructions.

                                                        • gapping : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter ate bread, and Warren, potatoes"

                                                        • stripping : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter ran away, and Warren (too)"

                                                        • vpEllipsis : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter ate bread, and Warren did too"

                                                        • sluicing : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter did something, but I don't know what"

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                                                            All four of Steedman's elliptical constructions are surface anaphora in Hankamer & Sag's sense ([HS76]): each deletes internal structure under identity with a linguistic antecedent. Steedman's taxonomy contains no deep anaphor (no do so-type pro-form), so the depth axis is constant .surface over it.

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                                                            Cross-framework non-alignment. Steedman's CCG cut isSyntacticallyMediated (gapping/stripping derived by category composition; VP-ellipsis/sluicing handled anaphorically) is not Hankamer & Sag's deep/surface cut. VP-ellipsis is the paradigm surface anaphor ([HS76]; Landau's own surface baseline in [Lan26]) yet CCG treats it as non-mediated — so the two frameworks partition the very same constructions differently.

                                                            Cross-serial dependencies #

                                                            Dutch verb clusters ([BKPZ82]) with cross-serial NP-verb bindings, over a target-restricted grammar (dutchGrammar: every rule fires at primary target S). Two constructions are given as Derives facts — the relation carries category and string at once. The verb-raising derivations (rightward /NP slots, harmonic B/) encode the cross-serial binding pattern at a non-Dutch string (see jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_derives); the surface-faithful derivations (leftward \NP slots, forward crossed composition, following the book's own Dutch fragment — ch. 6; appendix summary) derive the attested "Jan Piet (Marie) zag (helpen) zwemmen".

                                                            Categories for Dutch verb clusters #

                                                            Verb phrase (infinitival).

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                                                              Perception verb: (S\NP)/(S\NP) (e.g. "zag" = saw).

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                                                                Infinitival verb needing its (raised) subject: (S\NP)/NP. In Dutch verb-raising the infinitive's subject surfaces in an object-like position, picked up via composition.

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                                                                  Verb-raising control verb ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP): each restructuring verb provides an extra /NP slot for its own raised subject, in addition to its VP complement. This is what threads multiple argument slots through a 3+-verb cluster:

                                                                  • zwemmen : (S\NP)/NP — base: needs subject
                                                                  • helpen : ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP) — VR: needs complement, passes an /NP
                                                                  • zag : (S\NP)/(S\NP) — matrix: standard perception verb
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                                                                    Subordinate-clause perception verb ((S\NP)\NP)/VP: infinitival complement to the right, object and subject NPs to the left (book: zag := ((S₊SUB\NP)\NP)/VP₋SUB; the toy Cat drops the features). Sub = subordinate-clause head — contrast InfSubj, whose /NP is a raised-subject slot.

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                                                                      Infinitival head with a raised object, (VP\NP)/VP (book: zien := (VP\NP)/VP₋SUB).

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                                                                        The Dutch fragment as a target-restricted grammar: the lexical entries the derivations below draw on, target and start S, degree bound 2.

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                                                                          Lexical entries, as derivability facts #

                                                                          Verb-raising derivations #

                                                                          B/ thread the raised argument slots through the cluster — the cross-serial binding pattern — but the rightward /NP slots spell the arguments out after the cluster, so the derived strings do not match Dutch surface order.

                                                                          zag >B² (helpen >B zwemmen): the cluster is a 3-place predicate ((S\NP)/NP)/NP wanting Jan (\NP), Piet (/NP) and Marie (/NP).

                                                                          theorem Steedman2000.jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_derives :
                                                                          dutchGrammar.Derives CCG.S ["Jan", "zag", "zwemmen", "Piet"]

                                                                          The 2-verb verb-raising derivation derives S — at the string "Jan zag zwemmen Piet", which is not Dutch ("Jan Piet zag zwemmen"): the verb-raising categories capture the binding but not the linear order. The surface-faithful derivations below get both.

                                                                          Surface-faithful derivations (leftward argument categories) #

                                                                          [Ste00a]'s own analysis (ch. 6; appendix summary of the Dutch fragment) gives subordinate-clause cluster verbs leftward NP slots and composes the cluster by forward crossed composition, so the NPs precede the whole cluster and the derived strings are the attested "Jan Piet (Marie) zag (helpen) zwemmen".

                                                                          The crossed cluster zag >B× (helpen zwemmen) is a leftward-seeking 3-place predicate.

                                                                          theorem Steedman2000.two_np_sub_derives :
                                                                          dutchGrammar.Derives CCG.S ["Jan", "Piet", "zag", "zwemmen"]

                                                                          "(dat) Jan Piet zag zwemmen": zag applies to bare zwemmen and the NPs attach leftward — the 2-verb cluster needs no composition, and the string is the attested order (contrast jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_derives).

                                                                          theorem Steedman2000.three_np_sub_derives :
                                                                          dutchGrammar.Derives CCG.S ["Jan", "Piet", "Marie", "zag", "helpen", "zwemmen"]

                                                                          "(dat) Jan Piet Marie zag helpen zwemmen": the three NPs attach leftward to the crossed cluster — Marie to helpen's slot, Piet to zag's object slot, Jan as subject: the cross-serial binding falls out of the category threading, in the attested word order.

                                                                          Binding annotations #

                                                                          A derived Dutch string annotated with which NP binds to which verb; carrying the derivability fact ties the words to the grammar. TODO: compute binding from a derivation's composition structure instead of annotating it by hand.

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                                                                            "Jan Piet zag zwemmen" with cross-serial bindings: Jan is the subject of "zag", Piet the argument bound into the cluster.

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                                                                              "Jan Piet Marie zag helpen zwemmen", the cross-serial binding pattern in the attested word order.

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                                                                                Verb clusters and quantifier scope (§6.8) #

                                                                                Scope tracks word order: in the verb-raising order the cluster forms by composition, so a quantified argument combines with a function containing the tensed verb and can take scope over it; in the verb-projection-raising order it combines with the embedded verb alone. The derivations below are intrinsically typed Derivation trees: the verb-raising cluster forms by forward crossed composition (.fcompx), the verb-projection-raising order by plain application — the composed-cluster vs. applied-cluster contrast driving the account. (The toy Cat still drops the book's features, e.g. the VP₋SUB restriction on >B×.)

                                                                                Word order in a West Germanic verb cluster ([Ste00a] §6.8).

                                                                                • verbRaising : VerbOrder

                                                                                  Object precedes the whole verb cluster: NP … V_emb V_matrix.

                                                                                • verbProjectionRaising : VerbOrder

                                                                                  Object follows the matrix verb: V_matrix … NP V_emb.

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                                                                                    Verb-raising order, Dutch (99a): the cluster probeert te zingen forms by crossed composition before taking the object to its left.

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                                                                                      Verb-projection-raising order, Dutch (99b): the matrix verb applies to an already-saturated embedded VP, so the quantified object never combines with a function containing the tensed verb.

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                                                                                        Scope availability as CCG predicts it — the account's linking hypothesis: a cluster built with composition or type-raising is scope-ambiguous, an application-only cluster surface-only. [Ste00a] notes this overgenerates as stated (§4.4 refines it).

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                                                                                          Read the §6.8 word-order classification off an example's paperFeatures.

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                                                                                            Observed scope availability: the judgment on the example's "inverse" reading (the "surface" reading is acceptable throughout §6.8).

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                                                                                              The §6.8 data as (word order, observed availability) pairs.

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                                                                                                The CCG prediction matches every §6.8 judgment.

                                                                                                Intonation and information structure #

                                                                                                The book's ch. 5 story: alternative derivations of one string are alternative information structures, disambiguated by tune. "(ANNA married)(MANNY)" carves the composed derivation into an L+H* LH% theme and an H* LL% rheme; prosodic phrases are tune-marked constituents, so only CCG constituents can be phrases (the Sense Unit Condition, [Sel84]; [Ste00a] ch. 2).

                                                                                                "ANNA married": the composed theme constituent, category S/NP.

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                                                                                                  The theme constituent projects θ: the theme accent on "Anna" unifies with unaccented "married".

                                                                                                  Folding the rheme into the theme's constituent clashes: with these accents the whole sentence projects no coherent single marking, so the tune forces the [Anna married][Manny] phrasing — intonation disambiguates the derivational ambiguity.

                                                                                                  The utterance as two tune-marked phrases.

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                                                                                                    The extracted information structure: the theme is the S/NP constituent "ANNA married", the rheme is "MANNY".

                                                                                                    Truth-conditional pipeline #

                                                                                                    The complete CCG → Montague pipeline over the toy fragment: derivations interpreted compositionally, each checked against the toy model.

                                                                                                    "Mary sees John" - forward then backward application

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                                                                                                      "John eats pizza" - forward then backward application

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                                                                                                        Get meaning (as Prop) from CCG derivation

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                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "John sleeps" is true

                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "Mary sleeps" is false

                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "John laughs" is true

                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "Mary laughs" is true

                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "John sees Mary" is true

                                                                                                          CCG correctly predicts "Mary sees John" is true