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Linglib.Syntax.CCG.CrossSerial

CCG Cross-Serial Dependencies #

CCG derivations for Dutch cross-serial dependencies, in the rule-restricted (classical) model CCG.Classical ([Ste00a]). Cross-serial dependencies are the classic witness for CCG's super-context-free power; the derivations thread a verb's argument slots through the cluster via generalized composition.

The derivation pattern #

For "Jan Piet zag zwemmen" (Jan saw Piet swim), with the verb-raising category InfSubj = (S\NP)/NP for zwemmen:

Every step has primary target S, so each is a valid rule instance of CCG.Classical.

Implementation notes #

Two constructions are given. The verb-raising derivations (rightward /NP slots, harmonic B/) encode the cross-serial binding pattern but their yield does not match Dutch surface order — see jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_yield. The surface-faithful derivations (leftward \NP slots, forward crossed composition fcompX1, following the book's own Dutch fragment) get both the binding and the attested word order — see two_np_sub_yield / three_np_sub_yield.

Categories for Dutch verb clusters #

Verb phrase (infinitival).

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    Control verb: takes VP, gives VP (e.g. "helpen" in 2-verb clusters).

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      Perception verb: (S\NP)/(S\NP) (e.g. "zag" = saw).

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        Infinitival verb needing its (raised) subject: (S\NP)/NP. In Dutch verb-raising the infinitive's subject surfaces in an object-like position, picked up via composition.

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          Verb-raising control verb ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP): each restructuring verb provides an extra /NP slot for its own raised subject, in addition to its VP complement. This is what threads multiple argument slots through a 3+-verb cluster:

          • zwemmen : (S\NP)/NP — base: needs subject
          • helpen : ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP) — VR: needs complement, passes an /NP
          • zag : (S\NP)/(S\NP) — matrix: standard perception verb
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            Subordinate-clause perception verb ((S\NP)\NP)/VP: infinitival complement to the right, object and subject NPs to the left (book: zag := ((S₊SUB\NP)\NP)/VP₋SUB; the toy Cat drops the features). Sub = subordinate-clause head — contrast InfSubj, whose /NP is a raised-subject slot.

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              Infinitival head with a raised object, (VP\NP)/VP (book: zien := (VP\NP)/VP₋SUB).

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                The Dutch lexicon (reference; the derivations below select specific entries).

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                  Lexical entries #

                  zwemmen in its verb-raising category (S\NP)/NP.

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                    helpen in its verb-raising category ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP).

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                      Derivation: "Jan Piet zag zwemmen" (2 NPs, 2 Vs) #

                      Derivation: "Jan Piet Marie zag helpen zwemmen" (3 NPs, 3 Vs) #

                      The cross-serial bindings are Jan→zag, Piet→helpen, Marie→zwemmen. helpen_vr passes an /NP slot (for Piet) through while taking its VP complement, so B/ thread both Piet's and Marie's slots through the cluster into ((S\NP)/NP)/NP.

                      helpen >B zwemmen: ((S\NP)/NP)/(S\NP) ∘ (S\NP)/NP = ((S\NP)/NP)/NP.

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                        zag >B² (helpen zwemmen): (S\NP)/(S\NP) ∘² ((S\NP)/NP)/NP = ((S\NP)/NP)/NP.

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                          Verification #

                          The 2-NP cross-serial derivation yields category S (under the target restriction).

                          The 3-NP cross-serial derivation yields category S, threading three argument slots through the verb cluster via B and .

                          The verb cluster composes into ((S\NP)/NP)/NP — a 3-place predicate wanting Jan (\NP), Piet (/NP) and Marie (/NP).

                          theorem CCG.CrossSerial.jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_yield :
                          jan_zag_zwemmen_piet.yield = ["Jan", "zag", "zwemmen", "Piet"]

                          The 2-verb derivation's surface yield.

                          This does not match Dutch surface order ("Jan Piet zag zwemmen"): the verb-cluster category (S\NP)/NP looks rightward for its arguments, so the derivation tree spells out "Jan zag zwemmen Piet". The categories here capture the cross-serial binding pattern but not the linear order; the surface-faithful derivations below get both.

                          Surface-faithful derivations (leftward argument categories) #

                          [Ste00a]'s own analysis (ch. 6; appendix summary of the Dutch fragment) gives subordinate-clause cluster verbs leftward NP slots and composes the cluster by forward crossed composition (fcompX1), so the NPs precede the whole cluster and the yield is the attested "Jan Piet (Marie) zag (helpen) zwemmen".

                          "(dat) Jan Piet zag zwemmen": zag applies to bare zwemmen and the NPs attach leftward — the 2-verb cluster needs no composition.

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                            "(dat) Jan Piet Marie zag helpen zwemmen": helpen zwemmen : VP\NP forms by application, zag >B× (helpen zwemmen) crosses the rightward /VP into a leftward-seeking cluster ((S\NP)\NP)\NP, and the three NPs attach leftward — Marie to helpen's slot, Piet to zag's object slot, Jan as subject: the cross-serial binding falls out of the category threading.

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                              The crossed cluster is a leftward-seeking 3-place predicate.

                              theorem CCG.CrossSerial.two_np_sub_yield :
                              jan_piet_zag_zwemmen_sub.yield = ["Jan", "Piet", "zag", "zwemmen"]

                              The surface-faithful derivations spell out the attested word order (contrast jan_zag_zwemmen_piet_yield).

                              theorem CCG.CrossSerial.three_np_sub_yield :
                              jan_piet_marie_zag_helpen_zwemmen_sub.yield = ["Jan", "Piet", "Marie", "zag", "helpen", "zwemmen"]