Documentation

Linglib.Studies.StankovaSimik2025

Negation in Czech polar questions (Staňková & Šimík 2025) #

This file formalizes [stankova-2025], a naturalness-rating study of negation in Czech polar questions. Verb position proxies the negation reading — V1 forces FALSUM, nonV1 defaults to inner negation — with the (11)-(12) reading inventory derived from c-command height and the §5.2 predictions derived from clash counting, checked against the typed stimuli in Data.Examples.StankovaSimik2025. The subexperiments make náhodou an overt FALSUM indicator (§6.1) and copak sensitive to contextual evidence (§6.2). Lexical entries live in Czech.Particles and Czech.Determiners; the three-way negation system and its Table 1 diagnostics are [stankova-2026]'s and live in Stankova2026.

References #

The main experiment (§5) #

A 2×2×2 naturalness-rating design (75 participants, Likert 1-7, CLMM; item (13)) crossing verb position, indefinite (NCI žádný vs PPI nějaký), and context (negative vs neutral). PPIs are more natural in V1 PQs (z = −15.674, p < .001) and NCIs in nonV1 (z = 6.208, p < 0.01); context matters only in nonV1 (z = 8.674, p < 0.01; V1 n.s., z = −1.374, p = 0.169; interaction z = 2.933, p < 0.01). In positive-evidence contexts ((14), §5.3) V1 PQs stay natural (median 6, vs 5 neutral).

Verb position in a Czech PQ — V1 (interrogative word order) or nonV1 (declarative). Since ne- is inseparable from the finite verb, verb position fixes the syntactic position of negation (§2).

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      Height of the negated verb in Position.toNat coordinates; the V1 verb raises into the outer (PolP) region, the nonV1 verb stays in TP ((11)-(12)).

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        Negation readings available per verb position ((11)-(12)) — V1 only outer; nonV1 also inner (outer there needs a contrastive topic and a focused verb, ex. 18). The substrate's medial reading, [stankova-2026]'s refinement, patterns with inner.

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          A reading is available at a verb position iff its operator sits at or above the negated verb — the c-command condition behind (11)-(12).

          The default reading is the narrowest-scope available one — canonical inner negation wherever the verb position allows it.

          Whether a verb position's default reading requires contextual evidence (§5). Context sensitivity tracks the reading, not the word order; V1's FALSUM default is natural under any evidential bias, nonV1's inner default needs negative evidence.

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            An NCI-tolerant default reading identifies declarative word order; the NCI advantage in nonV1 PQs diagnoses inner negation.

            Dually, a PPI-outscoping default identifies interrogative word order; the PPI advantage in V1 PQs diagnoses outer negation (FALSUM).

            The manipulated indefinite (§5.1), a proxy for the negation reading — the NCI žádný for inner, the PPI nějaký for outer.

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                Each indefinite tests exactly the diagnostic its determiner entry carries.

                The §5.2 predictions #

                A condition is penalized once per clash — indefinite against default reading, indefinite against context, verb position against context.

                The number of clashes in a condition of the §5.1 design.

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                  In V1 PQs the PPI variant incurs fewer clashes than the NCI variant in every context (the main effect of INDEFINITE).

                  V1 PQs with the matching PPI are equally natural in negative and neutral contexts (the null effect of CONTEXT in V1).

                  nonV1 PQs incur fewer clashes in negative than in neutral contexts for either indefinite (the main effect of CONTEXT).

                  In negative contexts the nonV1 NCI variant incurs fewer clashes than the PPI variant (the main effect of INDEFINITE).

                  The (13) stimulus quadruple with each variant's verb position, indefinite, and context.

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                    Each (13) variant is fully natural iff Table 1 licenses its indefinite's diagnostic at the verb position's default reading.

                    Clash counting predicts each (13) variant's three-way judgment tier.

                    The (14) stimulus is natural under positive evidence, the cell [romero-2024]'s table rules out for English HiNQs (§5.3).

                    Classification #

                    Semantic classification of the Czech PQ particles ([stankova-2025] §6 for náhodou/copak; [stankova-2026] §2.2 supplies the rest via Stankova2026.classification).

                    • orderingSourceModifier : ParticleSemantics

                      Modifies the ordering source of an epistemic modal (náhodou; both papers' hypothesis).

                    • temporalEndpoint : ParticleSemantics

                      Temporal-endpoint presupposition; with telic predicates needs propositional negation (ještě).

                    • veridicalEmphasis : ParticleSemantics

                      'Really'-type emphasis (fakt; semantics deferred by [stankova-2026], cf. VERUM).

                    • npi : ParticleSemantics

                      General NPI (vůbec).

                    • evidentialConflict : ParticleSemantics

                      Conflict between prior epistemic state and contextual evidence (copak; cross-Slavic RAZVE family).

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                        This paper's classification of its two tested particles.

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                          The experimentally separated bias dimensions (§6) #

                          Whether a particle requires evidential bias — some true for copak (§6.2), some false for the FALSUM-tied náhodou (§6.1, acceptable in any type of context), none where untested.

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                            In the §6.1 subexperiment NCIs degrade náhodou PQs (z = −12.845, p < .001), so náhodou "could be used as an overt indicator of the covert FALSUM operator being present in the structure" — and FALSUM is context-insensitive.

                            The §6.1 stimuli ((17) both variants, plus the nonV1 (18)) with the diagnostic each manipulates.

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                              náhodou pins the negation to FALSUM, so Table 1's outer row predicts each §6.1 variant's naturalness regardless of verb position; (18) is a nonV1 PQ and still patterns with outer negation.

                              In the §6.2 subexperiment copak PQs are more natural in biased than neutral contexts (z = 9.372, p < .001); copak "strongly indicates a conflict between speaker's prior belief and the currently available evidence" (citing [nekula-1996]), licensed in positive and negative PQs alike (exs. 19a-b). Its cross-Slavic kin are Polish czyby and Russian razve (p. 12).

                              náhodou and copak express opposite bias dimensions — FALSUM-tied and context-insensitive vs evidential-bias-tied and context-sensitive (§6, the two subexperiments).