Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Stankova2026

Czech three-way negation in polar questions (Staňková 2026) #

[stankova-2026] proposes that negation in Czech polar questions occupies three LF positions (her (16)) — outer (PolP), medial (ModP), inner (TP) — fingerprinted by polarity items and the diagnostic particles náhodou / ještě / fakt (her Table 1, encoded as the substrate's licenses):

Positionne- > PPINCInáhodouještěfakt
outer
medial
inner

Main results #

References #

Table 1 fingerprints #

The Boolean signature of a negation position across the five Table 1 diagnostics.

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    Only inner negation licenses NCIs: the Agree relation with ¬ requires LF c-command, and medial and outer negation are too high ([stankova-2026] (6), (10)).

    The diagnostic particles ([stankova-2026] §2.2, Table 1) #

    Entries live in Czech.Particles; this paper contributes the §2.2 licensing profiles — ještě felicitous in PQs only under inner negation (§2.2.2, (14); with telic predicates it requires negation, (13)), fakt licensed by inner and medial but repelled by outer on its canonical reading (§2.2.3, (15), fn. 8), vůbec an NPI licensed by inner only ((9)-(10)) — plus the Table 1 assignments and the fingerprint results.

    This paper's classification of its three particles (the others are classified in StankovaSimik2025.classification). The paper defers fakt's semantics, noting the parallels to English really (Romero & Han's VERUM) and Russian razve.

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      [stankova-2026]'s Table 1: which diagnostic each particle realizes.

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        The Table 1 diagnostic realized by p, if any.

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          @[instance_reducible]

          Table 1 as a Distributed axis: negation position is a licensing context like clause type and embedding.

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          Table 1 compatibility of a particle with a negation position, when the particle carries a diagnostic.

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            náhodou uniquely identifies outer negation.

            ještě uniquely identifies inner negation.

            fakt accepted while ještě is rejected identifies medial negation.

            The three Table 1 particles jointly fingerprint the three negation positions.

            copak is outside Table 1: it appears in positive and negative PQs alike ([stankova-2025] exs. 19a-b).

            Word order and PQ-form typology #

            Czech PQs come in V1 (interrogative) and nonV1 (declarative) word orders; since ne- is inseparable from the finite verb, verb position determines the syntactic position of negation ([stankova-2025] §2, [stankova-2026] §1). The VerbPosition API lives with the experiment that established it, in StankovaSimik2025. Crossing word order with polarity gives [simik-2024]'s 2×2 grid of PQ forms, which maps onto [romero-2024]'s PosQ/LoNQ/HiNQ typology.

            [simik-2024]'s 2×2 grid of Czech PQ forms ([simik-2024] §3.2, exx. 11-17): word order (interrogative vs declarative) × polarity.

            • interPPQ : CzechPQForm

              Interrogative (V1), positive: the default unbiased PQ.

            • interNPQ : CzechPQForm

              Interrogative (V1), negative: outer negation, positive epistemic bias; broader distribution than English HiNQ ([simik-2024] §5).

            • declPPQ : CzechPQForm

              Declarative (nonV1), positive: positive evidential bias.

            • declNPQ : CzechPQForm

              Declarative (nonV1), negative: negative evidential bias.

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              @[instance_reducible]
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                [romero-2024] PQ form of a negation position: outer is high negation (HiNQ), inner and medial are both low (LoNQ).

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                  Only outer negation (FALSUM) is obligatorily focused ([stankova-2026] §3.2).

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                    The two form typologies agree: [simik-2024]'s grid refines [romero-2024]'s.

                    Obligatory focus singles out outer negation ([stankova-2026] §3.2).

                    Czech low negation is a LoNQ compatible with neutral original bias, matching [romero-2024]'s Table 1.

                    Czech inner negation requires contextual evidence against p, matching [romero-2024]'s Table 2 for LoNQs.

                    Verb position and context sensitivity #

                    The verb-position API (availableReadings, defaultReading, requiresContextualEvidence) is [stankova-2025]'s and lives in StankovaSimik2025; this paper adds the link to evidential bias strength.

                    The Czech bias profile ([simik-2024] Table 2) #

                    InterPPQ is the sole form felicitous with no bias at all — the default PQ ([simik-2024] §4.1, ex. 25).

                    InterNPQ appears in three bias cells — the broadest distribution among negative forms, reflecting Czech outer negation's broader range than English HiNQ ([simik-2024] §5).

                    The paper's examples #

                    Typed stimuli live in Data.Examples.Stankova2026; each is paired here with the negation reading and Table 1 diagnostic the paper assigns.

                    The paper's polarity/particle examples with their negation reading and tested diagnostic.

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                      Table 1 predicts each example's judgment: the diagnostic is licensed at the example's negation position iff the example is acceptable.

                      The bias profile predicts the positive-evidence stimulus — the form is felicitous iff it appears in its evidence × original-bias cell.