Santorio (2018): alternatives and truthmakers in conditional semantics #
[San18b] starts from a trilemma: counterfactuals invalidate Antecedent
Strengthening, validate Simplification of Disjunctive Antecedents, and validate
Substitution of Logical Equivalents in the antecedent, yet with Boolean disjunction the
last two entail the first. The paper keeps the first and gives up the other two by letting
an if-clause denote the set of truthmakers of its antecedent: the conjunctive closures
of the minimal stable subsets of the antecedent's alternatives that entail it, where a
subset is stable when it is consistent with the negation of every alternative outside it
(§5: Stable, MinimalStable, truthmakers). The conditional is a description of that
set (§6): with the optional distributivity operator DIST_π it holds of each truthmaker,
which is Simplification (distributiveConditional), and without it the modal would
extracts the disjunctive closure, which is not (collectiveConditional); DIST_π carries
the all-or-nothing homogeneity presupposition (homogeneityPresup). The readings are
those of Semantics/Conditionals/Counterfactual/Alternatives.lean over the truthmakers.
On Otto or Anna went to the party (44) the truthmakers are Otto went and Anna went
(party_truthmakers). On (35) every student read War and Peace or Anna Karenina the
global algorithm finds the mixed truthmaker some read Anna Karenina and some read War and
Peace that [AO09]'s disjunct alternatives cannot (karenina_truthmakers,
karenina_mixed_not_alonsoOvalle), predicting the infelicity of (39). On
[McKVI77]'s Spain case, the paper's (8), the collective parsing is true and
the distributive one is not, so Antecedent Strengthening fails and Simplification is not
validated (spain_collective, spain_not_distributive, spain_homogeneity); and on
(57)–(58), logically equivalent antecedents whose if-clauses denote different sets
receive different distributive verdicts (substitution_fails).
The stability algorithm (§5) #
σ is stable with respect to the alternatives alts: some world verifies every member
of σ and falsifies every other alternative.
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- Santorio2018.Stable alts σ = ∃ (w : W), (∀ A ∈ σ, w ∈ A) ∧ ∀ A ∈ alts, A ∉ σ → w ∉ A
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A nonempty stable sublist of alts none of whose nonempty proper sublists is stable.
(The empty set, stable whenever some world falsifies every alternative, is excluded.)
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- Santorio2018.MinimalStable alts σ = (σ ≠ [] ∧ σ.Sublist alts ∧ Santorio2018.Stable alts σ ∧ ∀ τ ∈ σ.sublists, τ ≠ [] → τ ≠ σ → ¬Santorio2018.Stable alts τ)
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⋀σ.
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- Santorio2018.conjunctiveClosure σ = List.foldr (fun (x1 x2 : Finset W) => x1 ∩ x2) Finset.univ σ
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The truthmakers of S relative to alts: the conjunctive closures of the minimal stable
subsets of alts that entail S — the denotation of the if-clause.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The disjunctive closure of the truthmakers is at most the antecedent.
Conditionals as descriptions (§6) #
[if φ] DIST_π [would ψ]: the counterfactual holds of every truthmaker of φ.
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- Santorio2018.distributiveConditional sim alts S C w = Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.Distributive sim (Santorio2018.truthmakers alts S) C w
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The homogeneity presupposition of DIST_π: every truthmaker's counterfactual holds, or
none does.
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- Santorio2018.homogeneityPresup sim alts S C w = Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.homogeneity sim (Santorio2018.truthmakers alts S) C w
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[if φ] would ψ without DIST_π: the modal extracts the disjunctive closure of the
truthmakers.
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- Santorio2018.collectiveConditional sim alts S C w = Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.would sim (Santorio2018.truthmakers alts S) C w
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- Santorio2018.instDecidableDistributiveConditional sim alts S C w = Santorio2018.instDecidableDistributiveConditional._aux_1 sim alts S C w
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- Santorio2018.instDecidableCollectiveConditional sim alts S C w = Santorio2018.instDecidableCollectiveConditional._aux_1 sim alts S C w
Otto and Anna (44) #
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- Santorio2018.instDecidableEqParty x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Santorio2018.instFintypeParty = { elems := { val := ↑Santorio2018.Party.enumList, nodup := Santorio2018.Party.enumList_nodup }, complete := Santorio2018.instFintypeParty._proof_1 }
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(45): the alternatives to Otto or Anna went to the party.
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The truthmakers of (44) are Otto went and Anna went: the minimal stable subsets are
{O ∨ A, O} and {O ∨ A, A}.
Every student read War and Peace or Anna Karenina (35) #
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- Santorio2018.instDecidableEqReading x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Santorio2018.instFintypeReading = { elems := { val := ↑Santorio2018.Reading.enumList, nodup := Santorio2018.Reading.enumList_nodup }, complete := Santorio2018.instFintypeReading._proof_1 }
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∃(A ∨ W), which coincides with ∀(A ∨ W) on these five worlds.
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The alternatives to (35): the universal and existential claims over A ∧ W, A, W,
A ∨ W.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(35) has three truthmakers: every student read AK, every student read W&P, and the mixed some read AK and some read W&P.
The mixed truthmaker is realized where no universal alternative is:
[AO09]'s disjunct alternatives {∀A, ∀W} miss the way for (35) to be true that
makes (39) infelicitous.
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- Santorio2018.axis = Finset.filter McKayVanInwagen1977.foughtAxis Finset.univ
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- Santorio2018.allies = Finset.filter McKayVanInwagen1977.foughtAllies Finset.univ
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The alternatives to Spain fought with the Axis or the Allies.
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Collectively, (8) is true: the closest world where Spain fought with either is the Axis world. Strengthening the antecedent to the Allies makes it false — Antecedent Strengthening fails.
Distributively, (8) is false: the Allies truthmaker's counterfactual fails, so Simplification is not validated by the collective parsing.
The homogeneity presupposition of the distributive parsing fails on (8).
Substitution of Logical Equivalents (57)–(58) #
Closeness for the party: the Anna-only world is closest to the actual world, then the world where both came, then Otto's.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The party was fun: only when Anna came alone.
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(57) If Anna came, the party would be fun and (58) If Anna, or Otto and Anna, came,
the party would be fun have logically equivalent antecedents, yet with the if-clauses
denoting {Anna came} and {Anna came, Otto and Anna came} the distributive parsing makes
(57) true and (58) false.