Kennedy 2007: Relative vs Absolute Gradable Adjectives #
Study of [Ken07] ("Vagueness and grammar"), grounding the paper's central claims against the degree substrate and the English adjective Fragment. [KMcN05] [RW04b]
Scale structure fixes the standard. Interpretive Economy ([Ken07] eq. (66)) derives a contextual standard for open scales and an endpoint standard for closed ones, building on the scale typology of [KMcN05] and [RW04b]. A totally closed scale is interpretively variable: both endpoint standards are admitted (eq. (67)–(68), opaque/transparent, open/exposed), with the maximum a mere out-of-context pragmatic default.
The relative/absolute split surfaces in comparatives. Comparatives with absolute adjectives carry an entailment to the bare positive form whose direction is fixed by the standard type — minimum-standard absolutes (wet, bent) give a positive entailment (eq. (49)), maximum-standard absolutes (dry, straight) a negative one (eq. (50)) — whereas relative adjectives (long, tall) carry neither (eq. (51)–(52)).
Scale structure licenses degree modifiers. [Ken07] eq. (61) (= [KMcN05] eq. (15)): maximizers/proportional modifiers (completely, half) require an upper endpoint, minimizers/diminishers (slightly) a lower one. The
Licensesmatrix encodes this, and the bridges below check it against the English Fragment entries (tall, full, wet, dry) and theLicensingPipelinesubstrate.
Main results #
closed_admits_both_endpoints— totally closed scales are interpretively variable.minStandard_comparative_entails_positive/maxStandard_comparative_entails_negative/relative_comparative_not_entails_positive— the eq. (49)–(52) asymmetry.Licenses— the eq. (61) modifier-class licensing matrix.k2007_matrix_agrees_with_typology,k2007_modifier_data_agrees,pipeline_agrees_with_measure— the matrix agrees with the per-adjective typology data and with theDirectedMeasure/LicensingPipelinesubstrate.tall_requires_cc,full_no_cc(etc.) — comparison-class sensitivity read off each Fragment adjective's scale structure.
Scale structure and Interpretive Economy #
[Ken07]'s generalisation: open scales take a contextual standard, closed scales an endpoint standard. The content beyond the substrate's default table is the interpretive variability of totally closed scales.
Open-scale (relative) adjectives — tall, expensive, big — take a contextual standard, so their interpretation requires a comparison class.
Totally closed scales are interpretively variable: Interpretive Economy
admits both the minimum and the maximum endpoint standard ([Ken07]
eq. (67)–(68), opaque/transparent, open/exposed). The substrate's
single-valued interpretiveEconomy .closed = .maxEndpoint is only the
out-of-context pragmatic default, not an IE determination.
Relative vs absolute adjectives in comparatives #
[Ken07] eq. (49)–(52): the standard type of an absolute adjective
surfaces as an entailment from the comparative to the bare positive form. On a
scale D, a minimum-standard absolute (wet) is positive iff its degree is
above the scale bottom (PositiveStandard.minEndpoint), a maximum-standard
absolute (dry) iff its degree is the scale top (PositiveStandard.maxEndpoint),
and a relative adjective (long) iff its degree exceeds a contextual
threshold (PositiveStandard.contextual).
Positive form of a minimum-standard absolute adjective: x is wet iff its
degree is strictly above the scale minimum.
Equations
- Kennedy2007.MinStandardPos μ x = (⊥ < μ x)
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Positive form of a maximum-standard absolute adjective: x is dry iff its
degree is the scale maximum.
Equations
- Kennedy2007.MaxStandardPos μ x = (μ x = ⊤)
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Positive form of a relative adjective: x is long iff its degree exceeds
the contextual threshold θ.
Equations
- Kennedy2007.RelativePos μ θ x = (θ < μ x)
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Eq. (49): minimum-standard positive entailment. "The floor is wetter than the countertop" entails "the floor is wet": exceeding another degree puts you strictly above the scale minimum.
Eq. (50): maximum-standard negative entailment. "The floor is drier than the countertop" entails "the countertop is not dry": being exceeded keeps you strictly below the scale maximum.
Relative adjectives carry no entailment from the comparative to the
positive form ([Ken07] eq. (51)–(52)): "Rod A is longer than Rod B"
entails neither that A is long nor that B is not long, because the standard is
contextual. Non-entailment is witnessed by concrete ℕ-valued models in which
the comparative holds but the positive form goes either way.
"Longer than" does not entail "long": a model where a exceeds b yet a
falls below the contextual threshold.
"Longer than" does not entail "not long" either: a model where a exceeds
b and is also above the threshold. Together with the previous theorem this
shows the comparative leaves a relative adjective's positive form undetermined.
Concrete entailment witnesses #
The general entailments fire on the paper's scenarios, here on a 0–3 scale
(Fin 4, with ⊥ = 0 and ⊤ = 3).
Empirical data #
Hand-typed stimulus tables recording [Ken07]'s descriptive patterns: comparison-class shift, antonym scales, the adjective typology, and degree modifier compatibility.
Empirical pattern: Scalar adjective thresholds shift with comparison class.
The same individual can be "tall" relative to one class but "not tall" relative to another. The threshold tracks statistical properties of the comparison class (especially mean and variance).
Examples:
- 5'10" is tall for a jockey but not tall for a basketball player
- $500,000 is expensive for Atlanta but cheap for San Francisco
Source: [Ken07], [Gra00], [LG17]
- adjective : String
The adjective being used
- individual : String
The individual/item being described
- scaleValue : String
The value on the underlying scale (as string for flexibility)
- comparisonClass1 : String
First comparison class
- comparisonClass2 : String
Second comparison class
- judgmentInClass1 : Bool
Judgment in first class (true = adjective applies)
- judgmentInClass2 : Bool
Judgment in second class
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Classic height example: 5'10" person.
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House price example.
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Size example across orders of magnitude.
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Empirical pattern: Antonym pairs share a scale with reversed polarity.
"Tall" and "short" live on the same height scale but point in opposite directions. This creates the "excluded middle gap" where neither applies clearly (the borderline region).
- positive : String
The positive adjective
- negative : String
The negative adjective
- scale : String
The underlying scale
- negationType : Features.NegationType
Contradictory (A ≡ ¬B, no gap) or contrary (can both be false, gap).
- positiveExample : String
Example where positive applies
- negativeExample : String
Example where negative applies
- neitherExample : String
Example where neither clearly applies
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- Kennedy2007.instReprAntonymDatum = { reprPrec := Kennedy2007.instReprAntonymDatum.repr }
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Data capturing Kennedy's adjective typology predictions.
Key diagnostic: behavior with degree modifiers
- RGA: "??slightly tall", "??completely tall" (odd)
- AGA-max: "slightly bent", "completely straight" (natural)
- AGA-min: "slightly wet", "??completely wet" (asymmetric)
Source: [Ken07] §3
- adjective : String
The adjective
- classification : Degree.AdjectiveClass
Its classification
- scale : String
The underlying scale name (e.g., "height", "fullness")
- scaleType : Core.Order.Boundedness
Scale structure (Kennedy 2007's 4-way typology), the canonical
Boundednessenum rather than aBool-pair re-encoding. - naturalWithSlightly : Bool
Natural with "slightly X"?
- naturalWithCompletely : Bool
Natural with "completely X"?
- thresholdShifts : Bool
Threshold shifts with comparison class?
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"Tall" — prototypical relative gradable adjective; open scale.
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"Full" — absolute maximum standard adjective; totally closed scale.
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"Wet" — absolute minimum standard adjective; lower-bounded scale.
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"Straight" — absolute maximum standard adjective; totally closed scale.
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"Bent" — absolute minimum standard adjective; lower-bounded scale.
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The key prediction: RGAs are context-sensitive, AGAs are not.
This is testable: change comparison class, see if threshold shifts.
- "tall for a basketball player" vs "tall for a jockey" - shifts
- "wet for a desert" vs "wet for a rainforest" - does NOT shift
- rgaAdjective : String
- agaAdjective : String
- rgaShifts : Bool
- agaShifts : Bool
- rgaShiftExample : String
- agaNonShiftExample : String
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Degree modifiers and their interactions with adjective types.
Key modifiers:
- Proportional: "half", "completely", "partially"
- Measure phrases: "6 feet tall", "3 degrees warmer"
- Intensifiers: "very", "extremely", "incredibly"
- Diminishers: "slightly", "somewhat", "a bit"
- proportional : DegreeModifierType
- measurePhrase : DegreeModifierType
- intensifier : DegreeModifierType
- diminisher : DegreeModifierType
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- Kennedy2007.instDecidableEqDegreeModifierType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Data capturing degree modifier compatibility patterns.
The puzzle: Why can you say "completely full" but not "??completely tall"?
Answer: Proportional modifiers require a BOUNDED scale (endpoints).
- "Full" has a maximum → "completely full" works
- "Tall" has no maximum → "??completely tall" is odd
Source: [KMcN05]
- modifier : String
- modifierType : DegreeModifierType
- worksWithRGA : Bool
- worksWithAGAMax : Bool
- worksWithAGAMin : Bool
- goodExample : String
- badExample : String
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The degree modifier puzzle: Why the distribution?
Formal constraint: Proportional modifiers require a CLOSED scale.
- Closed scale: has both minimum and maximum endpoints
- Open scale: missing at least one endpoint
This explains:
- "completely full" ✓ (fullness scale: empty to full)
- "??completely tall" ✗ (height scale: 0 to... what?)
- closedScaleAdj : String
- openScaleAdj : String
- modifier : String
- worksWithClosed : Bool
- worksWithOpen : Bool
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- Kennedy2007.closurePuzzle = { closedScaleAdj := "full", openScaleAdj := "tall", modifier := "completely", worksWithClosed := true, worksWithOpen := false }
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Modifier-class licensing matrix (eq. (61)) #
[Ken07] eq. (61) (= [KMcN05] eq. (15)) is the central
typological prediction: which scale-structure types license which modifier
classes. The matrix is the load-bearing connection between the data fields
above (completelyModifier/slightlyModifier/halfModifier/veryModifier)
and the Boundedness scale-structure substrate.
Per the matrix:
- Maximizers / proportional (completely, perfectly, absolutely, half)
require an UPPER endpoint → license iff
Boundedness.HasMax. - Minimizers / diminishers (slightly, partially, somewhat) require a
LOWER endpoint → license iff
Boundedness.HasMin. - Intensifiers (very, extremely) work on all scales (modulo pragmatic considerations).
- Measure phrases (6 feet tall) work on all dimensional scales ([HKL99]).
Equations
- Kennedy2007.Licenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.proportional x✝ = x✝.HasMax
- Kennedy2007.Licenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.diminisher x✝ = x✝.HasMin
- Kennedy2007.Licenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.intensifier x✝ = True
- Kennedy2007.Licenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.measurePhrase x✝ = True
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Equations
- Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.proportional x✝ = Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses._aux_1 x✝
- Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.diminisher x✝ = Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses._aux_3 x✝
- Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.intensifier x✝ = isTrue trivial
- Kennedy2007.instDecidableLicenses Kennedy2007.DegreeModifierType.measurePhrase x✝ = isTrue trivial
Fragment licensing bridges #
Connects the abstract adjMeasure and LicensingPipeline algebra to the
concrete English Fragment entries (tall, full, wet, dry) and the
empirical data above, and verifies the per-entry typology data against the
Fragment annotations.
Fragment → DirectedMeasure licensing #
"tall" (open scale) → DirectedMeasure blocks degree modification.
"full" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses degree modification.
"wet" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses.
"dry" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses.
DirectedMeasure → data bridges #
The closure puzzle is predicted by DirectedMeasure:
closed-scale adjectives license "completely", open-scale ones don't.
Matches closurePuzzle.worksWithClosed / .worksWithOpen.
"completely" works with AGA-max (closed) but not RGA (open).
adjMeasure licensing matches completelyModifier fields.
LicensingPipeline bridges #
"tall" through the universal pipeline: open_ → blocked.
"full" through the universal pipeline: closed → licensed.
"wet" through the universal pipeline: closed (endpoint) → licensed.
"dry" through the universal pipeline: closed (endpoint) → licensed.
Pipeline agrees with DirectedMeasure for all four test adjectives.
Scale structure → comparison-class sensitivity #
Whether an adjective's standard depends on contextual domain information is
read off its scale structure ([Ken07]): scaleType → interpretiveEconomy → PositiveStandard → PositiveStandard.RequiresComparisonClass. An open scale
yields a contextual s (requires a comparison class); a closed scale fixes
the standard at an endpoint via Interpretive Economy.
Kennedy argues that the comparison class is descriptively real but NOT a semantic argument of pos; it feeds into s contextually rather than as a constituent of logical form.
"tall": open scale ⇒ CC-dependence.
"full": maximum-standard (closed scale) ⇒ CC-independence.
"wet": closed scale ⇒ endpoint standard ⇒ CC-independence.
"dry": closed scale ⇒ endpoint standard ⇒ CC-independence.
MPAs are the mildly-positive class: an open .value scale carrying a
functional (necessity) standard via standardOverride. Their special status
is the standard, not scale boundedness — so on scale shape they pattern with
the relative adjectives (not endpoint-licensed), and their resistance to
very/extremely is pragmatic (conflicts with the middling inference).
MPAs and good share scale-structure licensing status: both sit on the open
.value scale, so neither is endpoint-licensed. Their difference is in
standard type (functional vs contextual), not in structural licensing.
IE path diverges for MPAs: the open-scale shape-default is a contextual
standard (interpretiveEconomy .open_), yet MPAs actually receive a
functional standard via standardOverride. A genuine exception to
Interpretive Economy, distinct from good's (which keeps the contextual
default).
Modifier-class matrix consistency (eq. (61)) #
The Licenses matrix agrees with the per-adjective typology data in
adjectiveTypologyExamples: for each of the 5 adjectives spanning the 4-way
Boundedness typology, the matrix predicts naturalWithSlightly from
Licenses .diminisher and naturalWithCompletely from
Licenses .proportional.
Per-modifier consistency: each DegreeModifierDatum's
worksWithRGA / worksWithAGAMax / worksWithAGAMin fields agree with
Licenses on the corresponding Boundedness cases. The AGA-max cases are
read at the canonical totally-closed scale (.closed, e.g. full).
closurePuzzle (full vs tall, completely) is a direct corollary of the
matrix: Licenses .proportional .closed = true matches worksWithClosed,
and Licenses .proportional .open_ = false matches worksWithOpen.
Per-entry typology consistency #
For each adjective with both a typology datum above and a Fragment entry, verify form match, scale-type consistency, and licensing/threshold agreement.
"tall" typology datum matches Fragment form.
"full" typology datum matches Fragment form.
"wet" typology datum matches Fragment form.
"tall" (open): Data scaleType matches Fragment scaleType.
"full" (closed): Data scaleType matches Fragment scaleType.
"wet": Fragment's derived Kennedy class matches the paper typology datum.
The raw Boundedness labels now differ — the Fragment models wetness as one
closed scale with wet at the lower pole, where Kennedy's datum labels it
lower-bounded — but both yield the same absolute-minimum class.
"straight" (closed): Data scaleType matches Fragment scaleType.
"bent": Fragment's derived Kennedy class matches the paper typology datum (closed + lower pole vs Kennedy's lower-bounded label; same absolute-minimum class).
"tall" (open scale): pipeline blocked = "completely" doesn't work with RGA.
"full" (closed scale): pipeline licensed = "completely" works with AGA-max.
"tall": typology's naturalWithCompletely matches pipeline prediction.
"full": typology's naturalWithCompletely matches pipeline prediction.
"tall" (open): threshold shifts with comparison class.
"full" (closed): threshold does NOT shift.