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Linglib.Studies.Kennedy2007

Kennedy 2007: Relative vs Absolute Gradable Adjectives #

Study of [Ken07] ("Vagueness and grammar"), grounding the paper's central claims against the degree substrate and the English adjective Fragment. [KMcN05] [RW04b]

  1. Scale structure fixes the standard. Interpretive Economy ([Ken07] eq. (66)) derives a contextual standard for open scales and an endpoint standard for closed ones, building on the scale typology of [KMcN05] and [RW04b]. A totally closed scale is interpretively variable: both endpoint standards are admitted (eq. (67)–(68), opaque/transparent, open/exposed), with the maximum a mere out-of-context pragmatic default.

  2. The relative/absolute split surfaces in comparatives. Comparatives with absolute adjectives carry an entailment to the bare positive form whose direction is fixed by the standard type — minimum-standard absolutes (wet, bent) give a positive entailment (eq. (49)), maximum-standard absolutes (dry, straight) a negative one (eq. (50)) — whereas relative adjectives (long, tall) carry neither (eq. (51)–(52)).

  3. Scale structure licenses degree modifiers. [Ken07] eq. (61) (= [KMcN05] eq. (15)): maximizers/proportional modifiers (completely, half) require an upper endpoint, minimizers/diminishers (slightly) a lower one. The Licenses matrix encodes this, and the bridges below check it against the English Fragment entries (tall, full, wet, dry) and the LicensingPipeline substrate.

Main results #

Scale structure and Interpretive Economy #

[Ken07]'s generalisation: open scales take a contextual standard, closed scales an endpoint standard. The content beyond the substrate's default table is the interpretive variability of totally closed scales.

Open-scale (relative) adjectives — tall, expensive, big — take a contextual standard, so their interpretation requires a comparison class.

Totally closed scales are interpretively variable: Interpretive Economy admits both the minimum and the maximum endpoint standard ([Ken07] eq. (67)–(68), opaque/transparent, open/exposed). The substrate's single-valued interpretiveEconomy .closed = .maxEndpoint is only the out-of-context pragmatic default, not an IE determination.

Relative vs absolute adjectives in comparatives #

[Ken07] eq. (49)–(52): the standard type of an absolute adjective surfaces as an entailment from the comparative to the bare positive form. On a scale D, a minimum-standard absolute (wet) is positive iff its degree is above the scale bottom (PositiveStandard.minEndpoint), a maximum-standard absolute (dry) iff its degree is the scale top (PositiveStandard.maxEndpoint), and a relative adjective (long) iff its degree exceeds a contextual threshold (PositiveStandard.contextual).

def Kennedy2007.MinStandardPos {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [OrderBot D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) :

Positive form of a minimum-standard absolute adjective: x is wet iff its degree is strictly above the scale minimum.

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    def Kennedy2007.MaxStandardPos {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [OrderTop D] (μ : EntityD) (x : Entity) :

    Positive form of a maximum-standard absolute adjective: x is dry iff its degree is the scale maximum.

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      def Kennedy2007.RelativePos {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (θ : D) (x : Entity) :

      Positive form of a relative adjective: x is long iff its degree exceeds the contextual threshold θ.

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        theorem Kennedy2007.minStandard_comparative_entails_positive {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [OrderBot D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) (h : Degree.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Order.ScalePolarity.positive) :

        Eq. (49): minimum-standard positive entailment. "The floor is wetter than the countertop" entails "the floor is wet": exceeding another degree puts you strictly above the scale minimum.

        theorem Kennedy2007.maxStandard_comparative_entails_negative {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] [OrderTop D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) (h : Degree.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Order.ScalePolarity.positive) :

        Eq. (50): maximum-standard negative entailment. "The floor is drier than the countertop" entails "the countertop is not dry": being exceeded keeps you strictly below the scale maximum.

        Relative adjectives carry no entailment from the comparative to the positive form ([Ken07] eq. (51)–(52)): "Rod A is longer than Rod B" entails neither that A is long nor that B is not long, because the standard is contextual. Non-entailment is witnessed by concrete -valued models in which the comparative holds but the positive form goes either way.

        theorem Kennedy2007.relative_comparative_not_entails_positive :
        ∃ (μ : Bool) (θ : ) (a : Bool) (b : Bool), Degree.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Order.ScalePolarity.positive ¬RelativePos μ θ a

        "Longer than" does not entail "long": a model where a exceeds b yet a falls below the contextual threshold.

        theorem Kennedy2007.relative_comparative_not_entails_negative :
        ∃ (μ : Bool) (θ : ) (a : Bool) (b : Bool), Degree.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Order.ScalePolarity.positive RelativePos μ θ a

        "Longer than" does not entail "not long" either: a model where a exceeds b and is also above the threshold. Together with the previous theorem this shows the comparative leaves a relative adjective's positive form undetermined.

        Concrete entailment witnesses #

        The general entailments fire on the paper's scenarios, here on a 0–3 scale (Fin 4, with ⊥ = 0 and ⊤ = 3).

        Empirical data #

        Hand-typed stimulus tables recording [Ken07]'s descriptive patterns: comparison-class shift, antonym scales, the adjective typology, and degree modifier compatibility.

        Empirical pattern: Scalar adjective thresholds shift with comparison class.

        The same individual can be "tall" relative to one class but "not tall" relative to another. The threshold tracks statistical properties of the comparison class (especially mean and variance).

        Examples:

        • 5'10" is tall for a jockey but not tall for a basketball player
        • $500,000 is expensive for Atlanta but cheap for San Francisco

        Source: [Ken07], [Gra00], [LG17]

        • adjective : String

          The adjective being used

        • individual : String

          The individual/item being described

        • scaleValue : String

          The value on the underlying scale (as string for flexibility)

        • comparisonClass1 : String

          First comparison class

        • comparisonClass2 : String

          Second comparison class

        • judgmentInClass1 : Bool

          Judgment in first class (true = adjective applies)

        • judgmentInClass2 : Bool

          Judgment in second class

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            Classic height example: 5'10" person.

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              House price example.

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                Size example across orders of magnitude.

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                  Empirical pattern: Antonym pairs share a scale with reversed polarity.

                  "Tall" and "short" live on the same height scale but point in opposite directions. This creates the "excluded middle gap" where neither applies clearly (the borderline region).

                  Source: [Ken07], [LG17]

                  • positive : String

                    The positive adjective

                  • negative : String

                    The negative adjective

                  • scale : String

                    The underlying scale

                  • negationType : Features.NegationType

                    Contradictory (A ≡ ¬B, no gap) or contrary (can both be false, gap).

                  • positiveExample : String

                    Example where positive applies

                  • negativeExample : String

                    Example where negative applies

                  • neitherExample : String

                    Example where neither clearly applies

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                          Data capturing Kennedy's adjective typology predictions.

                          Key diagnostic: behavior with degree modifiers

                          • RGA: "??slightly tall", "??completely tall" (odd)
                          • AGA-max: "slightly bent", "completely straight" (natural)
                          • AGA-min: "slightly wet", "??completely wet" (asymmetric)

                          Source: [Ken07] §3

                          • adjective : String

                            The adjective

                          • classification : Degree.AdjectiveClass

                            Its classification

                          • scale : String

                            The underlying scale name (e.g., "height", "fullness")

                          • Scale structure (Kennedy 2007's 4-way typology), the canonical Boundedness enum rather than a Bool-pair re-encoding.

                          • naturalWithSlightly : Bool

                            Natural with "slightly X"?

                          • naturalWithCompletely : Bool

                            Natural with "completely X"?

                          • thresholdShifts : Bool

                            Threshold shifts with comparison class?

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                              "Tall" — prototypical relative gradable adjective; open scale.

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                                "Full" — absolute maximum standard adjective; totally closed scale.

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                                  "Wet" — absolute minimum standard adjective; lower-bounded scale.

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                                    "Straight" — absolute maximum standard adjective; totally closed scale.

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                                      "Bent" — absolute minimum standard adjective; lower-bounded scale.

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                                        The key prediction: RGAs are context-sensitive, AGAs are not.

                                        This is testable: change comparison class, see if threshold shifts.

                                        • "tall for a basketball player" vs "tall for a jockey" - shifts
                                        • "wet for a desert" vs "wet for a rainforest" - does NOT shift
                                        • rgaAdjective : String
                                        • agaAdjective : String
                                        • rgaShifts : Bool
                                        • agaShifts : Bool
                                        • rgaShiftExample : String
                                        • agaNonShiftExample : String
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                                              Degree modifiers and their interactions with adjective types.

                                              Key modifiers:

                                              • Proportional: "half", "completely", "partially"
                                              • Measure phrases: "6 feet tall", "3 degrees warmer"
                                              • Intensifiers: "very", "extremely", "incredibly"
                                              • Diminishers: "slightly", "somewhat", "a bit"

                                              Source: [KMcN05], [Bur17]

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                                                  Data capturing degree modifier compatibility patterns.

                                                  The puzzle: Why can you say "completely full" but not "??completely tall"?

                                                  Answer: Proportional modifiers require a BOUNDED scale (endpoints).

                                                  • "Full" has a maximum → "completely full" works
                                                  • "Tall" has no maximum → "??completely tall" is odd

                                                  Source: [KMcN05]

                                                  • modifier : String
                                                  • modifierType : DegreeModifierType
                                                  • worksWithRGA : Bool
                                                  • worksWithAGAMax : Bool
                                                  • worksWithAGAMin : Bool
                                                  • goodExample : String
                                                  • badExample : String
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                                                              The degree modifier puzzle: Why the distribution?

                                                              Formal constraint: Proportional modifiers require a CLOSED scale.

                                                              • Closed scale: has both minimum and maximum endpoints
                                                              • Open scale: missing at least one endpoint

                                                              This explains:

                                                              • "completely full" ✓ (fullness scale: empty to full)
                                                              • "??completely tall" ✗ (height scale: 0 to... what?)

                                                              Source: [KMcN05], [RW04b]

                                                              • closedScaleAdj : String
                                                              • openScaleAdj : String
                                                              • modifier : String
                                                              • worksWithClosed : Bool
                                                              • worksWithOpen : Bool
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                                                                  • Kennedy2007.closurePuzzle = { closedScaleAdj := "full", openScaleAdj := "tall", modifier := "completely", worksWithClosed := true, worksWithOpen := false }
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                                                                    Modifier-class licensing matrix (eq. (61)) #

                                                                    [Ken07] eq. (61) (= [KMcN05] eq. (15)) is the central typological prediction: which scale-structure types license which modifier classes. The matrix is the load-bearing connection between the data fields above (completelyModifier/slightlyModifier/halfModifier/veryModifier) and the Boundedness scale-structure substrate.

                                                                    Per the matrix:

                                                                    Fragment licensing bridges #

                                                                    Connects the abstract adjMeasure and LicensingPipeline algebra to the concrete English Fragment entries (tall, full, wet, dry) and the empirical data above, and verifies the per-entry typology data against the Fragment annotations.

                                                                    Fragment → DirectedMeasure licensing #

                                                                    "tall" (open scale) → DirectedMeasure blocks degree modification.

                                                                    "full" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses degree modification.

                                                                    "wet" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses.

                                                                    "dry" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses.

                                                                    DirectedMeasure → data bridges #

                                                                    The closure puzzle is predicted by DirectedMeasure: closed-scale adjectives license "completely", open-scale ones don't. Matches closurePuzzle.worksWithClosed / .worksWithOpen.

                                                                    "completely" works with AGA-max (closed) but not RGA (open). adjMeasure licensing matches completelyModifier fields.

                                                                    LicensingPipeline bridges #

                                                                    Scale structure → comparison-class sensitivity #

                                                                    Whether an adjective's standard depends on contextual domain information is read off its scale structure ([Ken07]): scaleType → interpretiveEconomy → PositiveStandard → PositiveStandard.RequiresComparisonClass. An open scale yields a contextual s (requires a comparison class); a closed scale fixes the standard at an endpoint via Interpretive Economy.

                                                                    Kennedy argues that the comparison class is descriptively real but NOT a semantic argument of pos; it feeds into s contextually rather than as a constituent of logical form.

                                                                    MPA classification ([Bel25]) #

                                                                    MPAs are the mildly-positive class: an open .value scale carrying a functional (necessity) standard via standardOverride. Their special status is the standard, not scale boundedness — so on scale shape they pattern with the relative adjectives (not endpoint-licensed), and their resistance to very/extremely is pragmatic (conflicts with the middling inference).

                                                                    MPAs and good share scale-structure licensing status: both sit on the open .value scale, so neither is endpoint-licensed. Their difference is in standard type (functional vs contextual), not in structural licensing.

                                                                    IE path diverges for MPAs: the open-scale shape-default is a contextual standard (interpretiveEconomy .open_), yet MPAs actually receive a functional standard via standardOverride. A genuine exception to Interpretive Economy, distinct from good's (which keeps the contextual default).

                                                                    Modifier-class matrix consistency (eq. (61)) #

                                                                    The Licenses matrix agrees with the per-adjective typology data in adjectiveTypologyExamples: for each of the 5 adjectives spanning the 4-way Boundedness typology, the matrix predicts naturalWithSlightly from Licenses .diminisher and naturalWithCompletely from Licenses .proportional.

                                                                    Per-modifier consistency: each DegreeModifierDatum's worksWithRGA / worksWithAGAMax / worksWithAGAMin fields agree with Licenses on the corresponding Boundedness cases. The AGA-max cases are read at the canonical totally-closed scale (.closed, e.g. full).

                                                                    Per-entry typology consistency #

                                                                    For each adjective with both a typology datum above and a Fragment entry, verify form match, scale-type consistency, and licensing/threshold agreement.

                                                                    "wet": Fragment's derived Kennedy class matches the paper typology datum. The raw Boundedness labels now differ — the Fragment models wetness as one closed scale with wet at the lower pole, where Kennedy's datum labels it lower-bounded — but both yield the same absolute-minimum class.

                                                                    "bent": Fragment's derived Kennedy class matches the paper typology datum (closed + lower pole vs Kennedy's lower-bounded label; same absolute-minimum class).