Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Holmberg2016

Holmberg (2016): The Syntax of Yes and No #

[Hol16]

Core Contribution #

A cross-linguistic typology of polar question answering. The central parameter is the answering system: truth-based vs polarity-based.

Answers as Elliptical Clauses #

Yes/no answers are elliptical full clauses, not general fragments:

[FocP yes/no Foc⁰ [PolP ... [±Pol] ... ]]

The PolP is elided under identity with the question's PolP; the particle sits in Spec-FocP and values the [±Pol] feature. This is distinct from wh-fragment answers, which fill an argument slot of a wh-question (cf. Studies/BergenGoodman2015.lean).

Key Claims Formalized #

  1. Hamblin ↔ [±Pol]: Hamblin's polar p yields exactly two answer cells, corresponding to [+Pol] and [-Pol] valuations.

  2. Answering system divergence: Truth-based and polarity-based systems give opposite answers to negative questions.

  3. Polarity reversal: Languages like Swedish (jo), German (doch), and French (si) have a dedicated particle that assigns [+Pol] while contradicting a negative context.

Connection to Existing Infrastructure #

Syntactic polarity: PolP and [±Pol] (relocated from Minimalist/Polarity.lean) #

Syntactic polarity as a formal feature on the PolP functional head, connecting [Lak90]'s ΣP and [Hol16]'s analysis of yes/no answers.

Key Claims #

  1. Every finite clause has a polarity head (Pol⁰) projecting PolP in the IP domain
  2. In declaratives, [±Pol] is valued: [+Pol] for affirmative, [-Pol] for negative
  3. In polar questions, [±Pol] is unvalued — the answer values it
  4. "Yes"/"No" are focus-movement remnants of PolP ellipsis under identity

Connection to Features.Polarity #

Features.Polarity provides the semantic type (.positive / .negative). This file provides the syntactic feature [±Pol] that participates in Agree and maps to Features.Polarity at LF.

Connection to Cat.Pol #

Minimalist.Cat.Pol is the categorial label for the polarity head. This file adds the feature infrastructure for what that head carries.

The polarity feature on Pol⁰, which may be valued or unvalued.

In declaratives: valued [+Pol] or [-Pol] In polar questions: unvalued [uPol] — waiting for an answer to value it

  • valued : Features.PolarityPolFeature

    Valued polarity: [+Pol] (affirmative) or [-Pol] (negative)

  • unvalued : PolFeature

    Unvalued polarity: the feature in polar questions that the answer resolves

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      Recover Features.Polarity from a valued syntactic [±Pol] feature.

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        A Pol⁰ head: the functional head projecting PolP.

        In [Hol16]'s analysis, every finite clause has a Pol⁰ bearing a [±Pol] feature. The head's category is Cat.Pol.

        • feature : PolFeature

          The polarity feature on this head

        • inQuestion : Bool

          Is this in a question context (unvalued [±Pol])?

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          def Holmberg2016.instReprPolHead.repr :
          PolHeadStd.Format
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            A polar question Pol⁰: [uPol]

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              Value an unvalued [±Pol] feature — the core operation in answering a polar question. The answer provides a Features.Polarity that values the feature.

              Returns none if the feature is already valued (nothing to do).

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                Valuing an unvalued feature always succeeds.

                Valuing a valued feature always fails.

                Round-trip: valuing then extracting polarity recovers the answer.

                The [±Pol] feature matches itself in the Agree system.

                [±Pol] is distinct from [±neg]: polarity and negation are separate features on separate heads (PolP vs NegP).

                Question syntax: ForceP/FinP/PolP (relocated from Minimalist/Questions.lean) #

                Syntactic projections involved in question formation.

                Clause Structure for Polar Questions #

                [Riz97]'s split-CP and [Hol16]'s PolP analysis give the following structure for a polar question:

                [ForceP Force⁰[+Q] [FinP Fin⁰[+finite] [PolP Pol⁰[uPol] [TP ...]]]]
                

                Connection to Semantic Questions #

                Minimalist.LeftPeriphery defines WHFeature (±WH on C) — the semantic clause-typing feature. The syntactic FeatureVal.q corresponds to the semantic WHFeature:

                Cross-framework: clause-typing locus is contested #

                This file places clause-typing at Force⁰[+Q] per [Riz97]. Two sibling analyses in linglib place it elsewhere:

                The bridge theorems (Force⁰[+Q] ↔ C[+WH], Force⁰[+Q] ↔ Pol⁰[uPol]) are unformalized — silent divergences, not committed disagreements.

                Connection to ClauseType #

                A clause's Semantics.Mood.ClauseType (force × mood) is determined by the syntactic projections:

                The Q-feature on Force⁰: [+Q] for interrogatives, [-Q] for declaratives.

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                  @[implicit_reducible]
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                  def Holmberg2016.instReprQFeature.repr :
                  QFeatureStd.Format
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                    The clause spine for a polar question: V ... T ... Pol ... Fin ... Force.

                    This is the full IP-to-CP spine with the projections relevant to [Hol16]'s analysis. The Pol head is between T and Fin.

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                      A declarative spine has the same projections.

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                        PolP is projected in both declaratives and polar questions.

                        Derive ClauseType from the syntactic features on Force⁰ and T⁰/Fin⁰.

                        The Q-feature on Force determines illocutionary force; mood is determined by the morphological properties of the verb (indicative vs subjunctive), independent of Force.

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                          A polar question ?p = {p, pᶜ} (substrate Question.polar) corresponds to an unvalued [±Pol] feature. Each alternative cell values the feature: - p → [+Pol] (affirmative) - pᶜ → [-Pol] (negative)

                          The two alternatives are the "positive cell" and "negative cell"
                          of the partition induced by the question. 
                          
                          theorem Holmberg2016.both_alternatives_in_polar {W : Type u_1} {p : Set W} (hne : p ) (hnu : p Set.univ) :
                          p (Question.polar p).alt p (Question.polar p).alt

                          Both alternatives p and pᶜ lie in alt (polar p) (under nontriviality). Substrate identification of the two-cell answer partition.

                          The central diagnostic: "Doesn't he drink?" → "Yes" means...

                          • Truth-based: "He doesn't drink" (negative polarity)
                          • Polarity-based: "He does drink" (positive polarity)

                          English polar answer profile (polarity-based, particle).

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                            Japanese polar answer profile (truth-based, particle).

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                              The cross-linguistic polarity-reversal class: Swedish jo and German doch have the same assign/respond profile — [+Pol] assignment restricted to negative antecedent contexts. Holmberg's class membership derived from the fragments' profiles rather than stipulated.

                              Finnish polar answer profile (mixed: verb echo + kyllä, polarity-based).

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                                Mandarin polar answer profile (mixed: V-not-V + shì/bú shì, truth-based).

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                                  English and Swedish are both polarity-based.

                                  English and Japanese differ in answering system.

                                  Swedish has polarity reversal; English does not.

                                  The answering system and answer strategy are orthogonal: both truth-based and polarity-based systems can use particles.

                                  Japanese has low negation → truth-based predicted, matches actual profile.

                                  Mandarin has low negation → truth-based predicted, matches actual profile.

                                  English has middle negation → polarity-based predicted, matches actual profile.

                                  Swedish has middle negation (exclusively, no low negation; §4.5) → polarity-based predicted, matches actual profile.

                                  Finnish has middle negation (higher variety of middle; §4.6, p178: "still technically a middle negation position") → polarity-based predicted, matches actual profile.

                                  The paperFeatures encoding of a Features.Polarity value, matching the answer_polarity key in Holmberg2016.Examples.

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                                    End-to-end: Japanese low negation → truth-based → "yes" to negative question has negative polarity → matches the Japanese hai datum's answer_polarity annotation.

                                    End-to-end: English middle negation → polarity-based → "yes" to negative question has positive polarity → matches the English "yes" datum's answer_polarity annotation.

                                    The end-to-end chains for Japanese and English yield opposite polarities, as predicted by their different negation heights.

                                    [Hol16] §4.13: languages with a polarity-reversing particle (Swedish jo, German doch, French si) are correlated with the polarity-based system. Truth-based languages do not need a reversing particle because they can always use "no" to disconfirm the negative alternative of a negative question.

                                    Truth-based languages do not have polarity reversal in our profiles. (Japanese and Mandarin both lack a reversing particle.)

                                    Among polarity-based languages, reversal is attested but not universal: Swedish has it, English does not.