Tangale focus strategies #
Formalises [HZ04]: Tangale marks focus by four different devices conditioned on subjecthood, aspect, and transitivity — obligatory postverbal movement for subjects, the suffix -i for intransitive predicate focus, a prosodic boundary (vowel elision and left-line delinking blocked) for perfective transitive foci, and nothing at all in the progressive. The boundary underdetermines the focus extent (V-, VP-, and OBJ-focus are string- and pitch-identical), and the particle núm 'only' associates with any of the three extents from one fixed DP-adjacent position — association is anaphoric, not structural. The boundary itself is derived: [truckenbrodt-1999]-style focus alignment dominating phrasal economy places the φ-edge exactly in the focused cells, and [Kid85]'s elision cascade makes it audible.
Implementation notes #
Realisation uses the shared Semantics.Focus.Realization vocabulary
(reflex lists; the paper's strategy labels are read off the reflex
shape in the data linkage). Configurations carry the fragment's
tense–aspect type directly (Tangale.TAM): the perfective rows are
[Kid85]'s singular perfective and the paper's progressive is the
fragment's continuous (preposed né, transcribed n by the paper),
with the paradigm restriction in Config.WF; marking_matches_rows
pins the identification to the data rows. The núm readings use the strong-theory
Semantics.Focus.onlyVia: one string, three contrast-set resolutions.
The paper's fn. 6 notes the suffix -i does not occur with all
intransitive verbs; realize idealises it as the intransitive
perfective strategy. The boundary diagnosis is grounded in
Fragments/Tangale/Phonology.lean: prosodic_reflex_audible cites
[Kid85]'s elision cascade as what makes the boundary reflex
perceptible.
TODO #
- The interleaved elision-feeding-tone-shift derivations of [Kid85] (34) on lexical forms.
- The paper's two solutions (§6): the prosodic-boundary account vs the
subjects-vs-non-subjects account as rival
Predict-style theories.
The marking system (§4.1, §5.2, §6.2) #
Equations
- HartmannZimmermann2004.instDecidableEqFocused x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A focus configuration of the paper's paradigm.
- focused : Focused
The focused constituent.
- tam : Tangale.TAM
The tense–aspect frame, from [Kid85]'s inventory.
- transitive : Bool
Whether the predicate is transitive.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
The paper's paradigm: object focus needs a transitive predicate, and only the perfective and continuous (the paper's progressive) frames are documented.
Equations
- c.WF = ((c.focused = HartmannZimmermann2004.Focused.object → c.transitive = true) ∧ (c.tam = Tangale.TAM.perfective ∨ c.tam = Tangale.TAM.continuous))
Instances For
The overt reflexes: subjects surface displaced ((17b));
intransitive predicate focus bears -i ((24b)); transitive perfective
foci get the boundary after the verb ((25a–c)); progressive foci
receive nothing ((31)/(32a–c)). Untested frames fall to the unmarked
default, guarded by Config.WF.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- HartmannZimmermann2004.realize { focused := f, tam := Tangale.TAM.perfective, transitive := false } = { focus := f, reflexes := [Semantics.Focus.Reflex.morpheme f] }
- HartmannZimmermann2004.realize { focused := f, tam := tam, transitive := transitive } = { focus := f, reflexes := [] }
Instances For
Focused subjects are overtly marked in every aspect — the paper's §6 subjects-vs-non-subjects generalization, shared with Hausa.
Progressive non-subject foci are wholly unmarked ((31)/(32a–c), contra Kidda 1993).
Tangale refutes the universalist claim that every focus receives an overt reflex — the Tangale side of the counterexample the Hausa chapter states against the Basic Focus Rule.
The boundary underdetermines the focus extent: on the transitive
perfective non-subject cells, focused does not factor through the
reflexes — (25a–c) are string- and pitch-identical.
Deriving the boundary ([truckenbrodt-1999]-style alignment) #
The perfective boundary is not primitive. Candidate parses wrap the
V–O string into one φ or separate the object into its own φ; a
focus-alignment constraint (the focus's left edge coincides with a
φ-edge) dominates phrasal economy exactly when the object is focused.
The winning parse's φ-edge is the Reflex.boundary of realize, and
its audibility is the blocked elision cascade
(prosodic_reflex_audible).
Object focus: alignment dominates economy, and the separated parse wins — the derived φ-edge after the verb.
All-new: economy decides alone and the wrapped parse wins — no boundary, the elision cascade applies.
No φ spans the V–O juncture in the separated parse — elision is blocked there and applies in the wrapped one.
The prosodic reflex is audible: the boundary-blocked perfective
form differs from the phrase-medial elided form — [Kid85]'s
elision cascade is what makes Reflex.boundary perceptible in the
(25) cells.
The núm readings (§6.3) #
núm 'only' is syntactically fixed to DP expressions, yet associates
with object, VP, or verb focus — identical structure and identical
pitch across (36a–c). Three contrast-set resolutions of one string,
through the strong-theory onlyVia.
Worlds tracking what the speaker did with the book and the rest.
- boughtBook : Bool
- boughtShirt : Bool
- readBook : Bool
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
'I bought the book.'
Equations
- HartmannZimmermann2004.boughtBookP = {w : HartmannZimmermann2004.NumWorld | w.boughtBook = true}
Instances For
'I bought the shirt.'
Equations
- HartmannZimmermann2004.boughtShirtP = {w : HartmannZimmermann2004.NumWorld | w.boughtShirt = true}
Instances For
'I read the book.'
Equations
- HartmannZimmermann2004.readBookP = {w : HartmannZimmermann2004.NumWorld | w.readBook = true}
Instances For
The alternative facts, as an indexed family.
Equations
Instances For
The alternatives are irredundant: each can hold while the others fail — one world per free Boolean field.
The contrast sets by association extent: object ((36a), alternatives to the book), VP ((36b), 'I did nothing else'), verb ((36c), 'but I have not read it yet'). Subjects are outside the (36) paradigm; the arm shares the verb value and is never queried.
Equations
Instances For
The (36) readings: strong-theory only over the resolved contrast set, with 'bought the book' as prejacent.
Equations
Instances For
One surface string, three semantically distinct readings: over a
irredundant alternative family, only is injective in its
resolution (Irredundant.onlyVia_injOn), and the three extents
resolve to three different contrast sets.
The VP association is the strongest reading: 'I did nothing else'
entails both 'I bought nothing else' and 'I did nothing else to the
book' — onlyVia_antitone over the contrast-set inclusions.
Data linkage #
realize is pinned to the paperFeatures of every focus row in
Data.Examples.HartmannZimmermann2004; the paper's strategy label is
read off the reflex shape.
Every focus row's strategy label is read off realize's reflexes:
the conditioning function is derived from the data, not stipulated
beside it.