Gutzmann (2015): Sentence Mood as Use-Conditional Meaning #
Use-Conditional Meaning: Studies in Multidimensional Semantics. Oxford University Press.
Key Claims #
- Sentence mood operators (deontic, epistemic) are UCIs, not presuppositions
- The epistemic interpretation of [±wh] does NOT pass standard presupposition tests (negation, disjunction)
- V2-interrogatives carry a HKNOW condition absent from VL-interrogatives
- Modal particles are functional expletive UCIs whose mood restrictions derive from interaction with sentence mood operators
- wohl is a UC-modifier (not a UCI), with selectional restriction
Clause Type Predictions #
| Clause type | t-content | u-content |
|---|---|---|
| dass-VL | p | DEONT(p) |
| V2-declarative | p | DEONT(EPIS(p)) |
| VL-interrogative | p | DEONT(EPIS(p)) |
| V2-interrogative | p | DEONT(EPIS(p)) ⊙ HKNOW(p) |
| Imperative | p | DEONT(p) |
The Cuban cigar argument: V2- and VL-interrogatives differ ONLY in the hearer knowledge condition. This explains why VL-interrogatives are felicitous even when the hearer clearly does not know the answer (the Cuban cigar scenario), while V2-interrogatives are not.
Imperatives share dass-VL mood structure (deontic only): both lack [±wh] at LF, so neither triggers epistemic interpretation.
Every matrix clause has a deontic operator (the root rule).
dass-VL clauses have no epistemic component.
V2-declaratives have epistemic but not hearer knowledge.
Epistemic embedding preserves truth at the world level. The epistemic contribution is purely use-conditional, not truth-conditional.
V2-interrogatives differ from VL-interrogatives only in HKNOW. Derived from the theory of [±wh] feature visibility.
Gutzmann's L_TU classification (§6.5): ja/denn/halt/doch are
functional-expletive UCIs of type ⟨⟨s,t⟩, u⟩, restricted via
use-conditional conflict. (Formerly fragment fields; the typing is this
book's analysis.)
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Instances For
wohl is Gutzmann's sole UC-modifier among the common MPs: type
⟨⟨⟨s,t⟩,u⟩, ⟨⟨s,t⟩,u⟩⟩, modifying EPIS, restricted selectionally.
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Restriction kind per Gutzmann: UCIs restrict via use-conditional conflict, UC-modifiers selectionally (imperatives lack EPIS — a type mismatch, not a pragmatic conflict).
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wohl's distribution is fully derived from EPIS presence: wohl is licensed in a clause type iff that clause type has an epistemic mood operator — the formal content of the selectional restriction analysis.
ja is restricted to declaratives, matching the clause type with deontic + epistemic mood but without the hearer knowledge condition.
denn is the interrogative counterpart of ja.
ja and denn partition clause types: they are never both licensed in the same clause type.