German Particles #
The German particle inventory as Particle values: the modal particles
(Modalpartikeln, [Gut15] Table 6.1) and the question-marking
particles ([The21], [SR18]), one entry per lexeme.
Analytical classifications live with their analyses: L_TU typing in
Gutzmann2015, highlighting and bias in Theiler2021, the PRQ/NRQ
profile in SeeligerRepp2018. Response uses of ja/doch live in
PolarityMarking.lean.
Table 6.1's undifferentiated interrogative column is recorded on both interrogative cells.
ja — common-ground reminder particle ("as you may already know").
Declaratives only: its use condition references the truth of its
propositional argument, conflicting with interrogative uncertainty and
imperative non-epistemicity (Gutzmann2015). Distinct from answer
particle ja (PolarityMarking.lean).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
denn — interrogative-only particle, one lexeme under two analyses:
[Gut15]'s question-prompting UCI (the interrogative counterpart
of ja; typing in Gutzmann2015) and [The21]'s
highlighting-sensitive flavoring particle (bias profile in
Theiler2021). Licensed in polar and constituent questions, excluded
from declaratives and imperatives.
Equations
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wohl — epistemic hedging particle: declaratives and interrogatives
(which involve EPIS), never imperatives (which lack it); see
wohl_iff_epis and the selectional analysis in Gutzmann2015.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
halt — resignation/acceptance particle ("that's just the way it is"). Declaratives only.
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doch — contradiction/insistence particle. Uniquely among common
MPs, licensed in both declaratives and imperatives. Distinct from the
polarity-reversal response doch (PolarityMarking.lean; the ambiguity
is formalized in SeeligerRepp2018.doch_dual_role).
Equations
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doch wohl — non-compositional marker of rejecting questions
([SR18]): declarative-syntax polar questions (recorded
under polarInterrogative following the source schema's
question-function reading), not assertions and not wh-questions. The
PRQ/NRQ bias profile lives in SeeligerRepp2018.
Equations
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Licensing across the [Gut15] German clause types, read off the clause-type facet (dass-VL clauses exclude modal particles).
Equations
- German.Particles.licensedInClause p German.ClauseTypes.GermanClauseType.dassVL = false
- German.Particles.licensedInClause p German.ClauseTypes.GermanClauseType.v2Declarative = decide (p.LicensedIn Clause.Context.declarative)
- German.Particles.licensedInClause p German.ClauseTypes.GermanClauseType.v2Interrogative = decide (p.LicensedIn Clause.Context.polarInterrogative)
- German.Particles.licensedInClause p German.ClauseTypes.GermanClauseType.vlInterrogative = decide (p.LicensedIn Clause.Context.constituentInterrogative)
- German.Particles.licensedInClause p German.ClauseTypes.GermanClauseType.imperative = decide (p.LicensedIn Clause.Context.imperative)
Instances For
wohl's licensing across German clause types is exactly the presence of EPIS in the clause type's mood structure — the formal content of the selectional restriction analysis.
Every MP is excluded from dass-VL clauses.
ja and denn are in complementary distribution: no clause type licenses both.