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Linglib.Studies.GrubicRenansDuah2019

Graded exhaustivity in Akan, Ga and Ngamo #

Formalises [grubic-renans-duah-2019]: the exhaustive inference of a morphosyntactically marked focus construction is not asserted in any of the three languages — it is presupposed in Akan and Ga (cleft-like, with an existence presupposition) and merely conversationally implicated in Ngamo (whose marker contributes background salience, a definiteness component kept as prose here; their §7). The three analyses are three placements of exhaustivity across the two meaning dimensions: at-issue ([EK98]-style only-semantics, rejected for these constructions), ci (presupposed), or neither (implicated).

The §5.2.1 diagnostic — negation plus an additive continuation — is derived: negating overt only keeps the prejacent and negates exhaustivity, so also finds its anaphoric antecedent ((36b)/(37b)); negating the marked constructions targets the prejacent and removes it ((36a)/(37a), the #also judgments). Their §4 contrast findings (Akan/Ga contrastive, Ngamo felicitous all-new) connect to the Semantics.Focus.Use layer and are left as a TODO.

Who Njelu phoned ((36)).

  • sama : Bool
  • hawwa : Bool
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    def GrubicRenansDuah2019.instDecidableEqCallWorld.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : CallWorld) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        Exhaustivity of the prejacent over the alternatives — the strong-theory only condition.

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          The Akan/Ga marked construction: prejacent at issue; exhaustivity and existence presupposed (§5.2.3, §6).

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            The Ngamo marked construction: prejacent at issue; no exhaustivity or existence presupposition (§5.2.2, §6.1).

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              Overt only ((36b)/(37b)): prejacent projects, exhaustivity is at issue.

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                Negating overt only licenses the additive continuation: with the prejacent projected and exhaustivity negated, some distinct alternative held — also has its antecedent ((36b)/(37b)).

                Negating the marked constructions targets the prejacent, removing the additive particle's antecedent — the #also judgments of (36a)/(37a). Exhaustivity is not asserted (§5.2.1), against a [EK98]-style only-semantics for these constructions.

                Ngamo's exhaustive inference is cancellable — a conversational implicature (§5.2.2): the construction's full content is consistent with a non-exhaustive world.

                Akan/Ga exhaustivity projects and cannot be cancelled — a presupposition (§5.2.3): no world satisfies the construction while falsifying exhaustivity.

                Ngamo triggers no existence presupposition; Akan and Ga do (§6): the Ngamo construction is defined at a world where no alternative holds, the cleft-like one is not.